Our future: Madame Vice President Kamala D. Harris

Harris is sworn in as vice president as her husband holds the Bible. Harris was sworn in by Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. She wore the color purple as a nod to Shirley Chisholm, the first African-American woman to run for president. Andrew Harnik/Pool/AP.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On January 20, 2021, Kamala Devi Harris became the first female vice president in the history of the United States. She is the highest ranking female elected official in our nation’s history, after a successful career as the Attorney General of the state of California (2011-2017) and the junior senator for California before her current tenure as Vice President of the United States. Not only has Vice President Harris shattered various glass ceilings that have limited the socio-political potential of women, she exemplifies the achievement of the conjoint ends of gender and racial equality. Growing up with both African American and Asian American ancestry, as her mother is from India and her father hails from British Jamaica, she is the first African American and (South) Asian American vice president. Vice President Harris inspires the future of women in politics, such as women like me, as well as younger generations of females that wish to see a future where they may hold public office, without any obstacles that block their path. 

““While I may be the first woman in this office, I will not be the last.” -Vice Presidential Acceptance Speech, November 7, 2020, ”

With her dual cultural heritages, our current vice president epitomizes diversity, representation, intersectionality, and equity. She is a woman of color who has successfully persevered through societal institutions, which may not be as evident as the clear disenfranchisement of women that the suffragists combatted, that have functioned to place unequal expectations on her role in society. Harris has assumed this landmark position as vice president, despite her intersectional identity as both a woman and person of color, which has yielded various types of exclusion and oppression in society.  Her identity as a woman of color has functioned in a manner that challenges societal institutions, such as the white, patriarchal nature of public office in the United States. Instead of permitting the intersectionality of her racial and gender identity to limit her efforts towards serving the American people and upholding democracy, she has successfully embraced her conjoint identity to empower herself and all of the identities that she represents. Her presence, her identity, and her words have powerful effects that are needed to assert the future for women in politics, in addition to racial equity. 

Vice President Kamala Harris walks with her family to the White House. Maddie McGarvey for CNN.

It is important to recognize the historic day of January 20, 2020 since the trajectory of women in politics, in terms of their public representation, has changed for the better. Now, we hope that women in politics may become the norm, instead of the outlier. Little girls, with skin in every color, can see a role model in Harris; they can grow up knowing their identity matters, from their gender to their race, without hesitation. They now live in a reality where it is possible to grow up and become like Vice President Harris. Additionally, women, especially women of color, are assured that shattering patriarchal institutions in politics is possible, and not just a hopeful aspiration. For example, for me, as a woman of color, I now see that all facets of my identity can be represented in the highest public offices of the land. ice president. Vice President Kamala Harris is not only a role model for females, of all ages, of all backgrounds, but a reflection of what America can be. While our country must heal from the present inequalities that plague us in the present day, it is imperative that we celebrate the presence of Kamala Harris in the office of Vice President of the United States. The historic day Harris’ inauguration, on the 20th of January in 2021, is just the beginning for women in politics.

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The 1913 Women's Suffrage Procession: revitalizing the hope for female enfranchisement against all odds

Women suffragists at the head of the parade, marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, with the U.S. Capitol in background, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On March 3, 1913, the Women’s Suffrage Procession manifested a new energy for the suffrage movement, paving the way for the landmark 19th amendment to be passed in Congress. A substantial procession of 8,000 marchers, 9 bands, 4 mounted brigades, and 20 floats gathered on Pennsylvania Avenue to march to the Treasury Building for an allegorical performance demanding necessity of female enfranchisement. Organized by the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), this gathering of women demanding socio-political equality occurred on a strategic day in order to denounce the lack of female representation in the political sphere. These women marched on the same route that the new President, Woodrow Wilson, would undertake the very next day, March 4, en route to his presidential inauguration. The 1913 women’s suffrage procession was expertly planned in order to fall on this exact date, in the presence of lawmakers in Washington, D.C. The chairs of the NAWSA, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, wished to send a provocative message that indicated a new chapter of resistance to gender-based disenfranchisement.

Cover of program for the National American Woman Suffrage Association procession, showing woman, in elaborate attire, with cape, blowing long horn, from which is draped a "votes for women" banner, on decorated horse, with U.S. Capitol in background. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

““The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” ”

A diverse group of women gathered in order to justly demand the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in Congress. Proposed in 1878, this amendment prohibited the denial of enfranchisement, based on gender, and thus exemplified the core philosophy of the women’s suffrage movement. However, this amendment had been stalled for the last 35 years; this reality would not be tolerated anymore by the dedicated suffragists. With elaborate floats, decor, and songs, this procession possessed the intent to make that bold statement in a concrete way. In fact, the procession was designed to present an argument for the validity of female enfranchisement; each section highlighted the distinct accomplishments of the respective participants. There were delegations from states, specific professions (like business or law), and universities. 

Inez Milholland rides Grey Dawn as the herald of the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Harris & Ewing, photographer. Records of the National Woman's Party, Library of Congress

The first sight of the procession was Inez Milholland, dressed in white on top of a white horse named Grey Dawn, represented the ideal of female suffrage. As a prominent lawyer and activist, she represented the New Woman, whose voice would no longer be suppressed by patriarchal, electoral institutions. As the New Women of the 20th century, this generation of women rebelled against the establishment of societal expectations and challenged gender norms in various ways. From dress to behavior, a new wave of change was being realized during the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. This next generation of women pursued female equality, not only in the political and legal sphere, but in all areas of existence. Feminism was on display, as each woman had a specific individual cause that they stood for, in addition to standing together in a collective mission for female enfranchisement while marching down the National Mall. 

“We demand an amendment to the Constitution of the United States enfranchising the women of this country.”

The "Great Demand" float in the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University

The first float, which held the message of the “Great Demand,” represented the newfound commitment and energy that was needed by the suffrage movement to actively achieve their goal. Suffragettes were no longer content with accepting limited voting rights in bits or in one state/jurisdiction; a nationwide enfranchisement was necessary. 

March 3, 1913 photo at the Suffrage Parade, showing marchers (left to right) Mrs. Russell McLennan, Mrs. Althea Taft, Mrs. Lew Bridges, Mrs. Richard Coke Burleson, Alberta Hill and Miss F. Ragsdale. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin.

Suffragettes of color were a prominent feature in the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. More than 40 black women, with their specific state delegations, marched together for a future of political enfranchisement and equality. Leading banners from their sections, they encapsulated a conjoint end of racial justice with achieving the right to vote for women. There were even 25 black students from the Delta Sigma Theta sorority at Howard University, with as many as 6 graduates. Those women, with their respected academic regalia, included prominent suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell. Additionally, Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin, a famous Native American lawyer who advocated for the rights of her people with the Society of American Indians, marched in the procession. Her presence highlighted the relevant role of suffragists of color to re-energizing the women’s suffrage movement. White female suffragists did not only function as important contributors; women of color actively contributed to the health and vitality of this collective cause of suffrage.

Ida B. Wells-Burnett

However, the participation and advocacy of suffragists of color did not function without complications. For example, Ida B.Wells-Burnett, a prominent African American suffrage activist, was denied the opportunity to march at the front of the Illinois delegation like she had originally intended. It is important to remember that she, as a black woman, still faced more barriers to her activism than her white counterparts, who as organizers of this procession relegated her to march at the back of the Illinois delegation. However, Wells-Burnett refused to let the color of her skin dictate the depth of her role in advocating for women's suffrage; eventually, she found a way to march at the front of her delegation. The efforts of Ida B. Wells-Burnett serve as a reminder that racial justice is a conjoint end with women’s suffrage, occupying the same status of importance.

Part of the 1913 Suffrage Parade. The signs read "In The Home,” and "Homemakers.” Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession seemed to have all the components to be successful, but faced unprecedented obstacles. A crowd of 250,000 people, mainly men who arrived in the nation’s capital for the presidential inauguration, formed a physical barrier against the marching procession of women. These spectators blocked the parade route, accosting the women in the street and stopping their forward movement. A physical confrontation resulted within the parade, as the crowd sought to advance their own agenda at the expense of this tightly organized procession of women. Even though the participants on horseback sought to block these individuals, the sheer number of spectators disrupted the women’s march to their destination, the Treasury building. In fact, a sea of hostile, jeering men shouted rude, explicit insults at the women. Harassment, cat-calling, and sexual propositions flew in the face of each woman in the parade as they persisted onward.

The crowd converges on marchers, blocking the parade route during March 3, 1913, suffrage procession, in Washington, District of Columbia. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Yet, the bravery of these women was evident, as many continued on in the face of the vile opposition of the surrounding crowd. Even with tears, and psychological hurt, they persisted without interruption or hesitation. Some even carried banner poles, flags, and hat pins to ward off the attack. Physical unrest was a challenge that would be overcome together, with a collective effort. It was in fact necessary to assert their independent voices, and defend their bodies, when the Capitol Police was unable, or unwilling, to intervene. It was only until U.S. army troops entered the crowd that the spectators disappeared from harassing these women. En route to demanding their right to vote, it is telling that these female participants also had to, in an autonomous manner, affirm their own safety against an opposition that was threatened by their willingness to break traditional patriarchal norms. For these women, giving up was not an option, as there was too much at stake in their quest for socio-political equality.

The crowd surrounds and slows a Red Cross ambulance during the Women's suffrage procession, on March 3, 1913. Dozens of marchers were injured during the march, shoved and tripped by spectators. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession on March 3, 1913, made notable headlines in newspapers around the country. The disruptive unrest of the crowd yielded 100 participants that were eventually hospitalized as a consequence of their involvement in the parade. Therefore, as the public deemed it unfathomable that the police did nothing to stop the blatant disruption of the ongoing procession, scandal ensued. An investigation of the ineffectiveness of the Capitol police commenced in the following days, resulting in the firing of the Washington, D.C. superintendent of police. It is clear that the police did not value this procession, which was threatened by disruptive crowds, as a cause worth protecting.The women of the NAWSA took a stand for themselves, in the face of substantial resistance to their efforts, and did not back down.

Tableau presented by the Women's Suffrage Association, on the U.S. Treasury building steps, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession garnered more attention than the events of the next day, the presidential inauguration. On the same steps of the suffragists occupied, President Wilson was seemingly an afterthought in the shadow of the previous events. The suffragettes, who even suffered injuries to march against the physical barrier of the spectators, took center stage. The procession of these bold suffragettes renewed energy and public attention to their cause of pursuing and realizing the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment and the “Great Demand.” The suffrage movement needed this jolt of energy in order to affirm greater vitality and vigor in its character. This reinvigoration of the suffrage movement thus created powerful momentum, as in the next 7 years, the right to vote for women would be concretely realized in the political and legal sphere. The 19th amendment benefited from the events of March 3, 1913; a newfound spirit that fought for gender egalitarianism in enfranchisement manifested in the actions of these brave women. The women marching in the 1913 procession unequivocally valued a future where the next generations of women would experience socio-political equality.

References: 

1. Taylor, Alan. “The 1913 Women’s Suffrage Parade.” The Atlantic. March 1, 2013. https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2013/03/100-years-ago-the-1913-womens-suffrage-parade/100465/ 

2. “1913 Woman Suffrage Procession.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/articles/woman-suffrage-procession1913.htm 

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The suffragettes of 1880-1890: simultaneously pursuing racial justice alongside the landmark right to vote

First Issue of The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, November 1910. New York: NAACP, 1910.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, 2021 WINTER COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The years between 1880 and 1890 yielded immense progress for achieving the reality of female enfranchisement within a historically male-dominated society. Suffragettes, especially those of color, were able to challenge patriarchal institutions, such as the denial of women’s suffrage, through influential actions based on philosophies of gender, racial, and social justice. The conjoint nature of this activism not only cultivated hope in the suffrage movement for women of color, but also in the greater movement to assert rights that are denied on the basis of one's identity. These rights were traditionally marginalized in a socioeconomic and political context and held as the standard in both cultural, social, and legal norms. Advocating for suffrage, for these women of color, is synonymous with an awareness for intersectionality of identity. The enfranchisement of women would not be truly successful if it did not account for deconstructing structural inequalities that are based in an interconnected identity of race, gender, and other forms of identity. These brave suffragette women of color tackled systemic manners of oppression in American society, such as the denial of female enfranchisement and racism, by using their unique identities to their advantage.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), as a prolific black poet, writer, and  journalist that advocated for the suffrage, and subsequent social equality, of black women. Her commitment to this conjoint gender and racial justice first began with helping slaves escape through the Underground Railroad and publishing anti-slavery journalistic works. Later, during the American Reconstruction Era, she was a prominent activist for civil rights, women’s suffrage, and equitable education opportunities for black citizens. Her advocacy was mainly done through her high status in the literary and journalism world; she is known as the “mother of African American journalism,” and one of the first black writers to popularize Africa American protest poetry. For example, her short story, The Two Offers, was the first short story published by an African American writer. Her ideals of equality and representation in literature extended into her contributions in society; Harper was a co-founder and Vice President of the National Association of Colored Women and member of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Additionally, she was the superintendent of the Colored Section of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Harper, as an extremely accomplished writer and activist, leaves an indelible mark on the history of suffragettes of color. 

Harriet Purvis, Jr. , circa 1874.

Harriet (Hattie) Purvis, Jr. (1839-1904) was also an active supporter of women’s suffrage in the face of societal challenges. While her views on female enfranchisement are relatively unknown, she represented the second generation of black women suffragettes. She was active in the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association and a member of its executive committee in 1884. Furthemore, between 1883-1900, she was also a notable delegate for the National American Woman Suffrage Association due to her work in the state of Pennsylvania. She was also involved, as a superintendent of work among Colored People for the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Purvis, Jr. is an important figure who fought for women’s suffrage, especially for black women, that has been hidden in the corners of history. Her contributions, especially those in Pennsylvania, are intrinsically in need of recognition.

Getrude Bustill Mossell.

Getrude Bustill Mosell (1855-1948) was an active journalist that used her platform to highlight the severity of achieving women’s suffrage, especially for women of color. As a journalist, she wrote about these issues of gender and racial justice in The New York Freedom, one of T. Thomas Fortune’s newspapers. Her first publication, titled “Women’s Suffrage,” in 1865 encouraged women to read about the history of the suffrage movement and previous articles of women’s rights. Encouraging a black, female audience, Mosell used the press as an effective way to appeal and inspire black women to contribute to the suffragist movement. In addition, due to her high journalistic status, she was able to relate to middle class views of housewives who were feminists and encourage them to advocate for female enfranchisement. Mosell, through the black press, sought to appeal to demographics that were relational to her intersectional identity of a black female journalist, in order to garner more support for the suffragist movement. 

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, 1902.

Jospehine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) was a major figure in the advancement of women’s enfranchisement in the state of Massachusetts. Also beginning as a journalist, she joined in the work of the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and later became affiliated with the American Woman Suffrage Association. In fact, in 1895, she convened the first conference of the National Federation of Afro-American Women, which was probably the first national organization of black women, in Boston. Ruffin was an unequivocal leader in the black women’s club movement, which united black women under the cause of female enfranchisement. She wrote in her black woman’s newspaper, The Women’s Era, utilizing her previous journalistic experience for the progress of women’s rights. In Massachusetts, she urged white women to join with black women to advance the suffragist cause. However, her efforts to unite black and white women’s clubs (and thus combat racial inequalities) were not extremely successful; she experienced discrimination at the Convetion of General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1900. Nevertheless, Ruffin persisted in her cause of combatting societal institutions such as female disenfranchisement, and realizing the deconstruction of gender and racial injustices.

Josephine Bruce.

Josephine Bruce (1853-1923), was a prominent activist for women’s rights and suffragists in the Washington, D.C. area. With her husband, Representative Blanche K. Bruce, the first U.S. Senator from Mississippi during the Reconstruction Era, Bruce’s influence in the D.C. area was extremely noticeable and impactful. She was a charter member of the Colored Women’s League of D.C. and helped organize the National Organization of Afro-American Women in 1894. Moreover, she headed over the national executive committee of the National Association of Colored Women and was the editor of its publication, Notes. Drawing on journalism as an effective medium of advocating for the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for women (especially of color), Bruce often published articles in Crisis Magazine and In the Voice of the Negro. She also served as the editor of the magazine for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, after becoming involved in the organization. Concerned by the evident inequality for women of color in American society, Bruce took action, writing for the necessity of women’s rights and suffrage, and reached a far audience due to her high status in our nation’s capital.

Anna J. Cooper, Oberlin College.

Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964), as part of a rich tradition of black writers and intellectuals in the Washington, D.C. area, was a fervent advocate for black feminism and self determination within the women’s suffrage movement. As teacher and principal at the famous M. Street High School in Washington D.C., she became an esteemed clubwoman and social activist who was greatly admired for her belief that the status of black women was central to the progress of the nation. With her influence in the nation’s capital, she also served as a mentor for other suffrage activists, such as Angelina Grimke and Nannie Helen Burroughs. Furthermore, her book, A Voice in the South in 1882, promotes the notion that black women could empower themselves, and have innate capacities for self determination, through education and social uplift. Cooper, with her high status as a writer, used her platform to highlight the necessity of guaranteeing a future in American society where black women were enfranchised and inherently valued.

Susette La Flasche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) Courtesy of Nebraska State Historical Society.

Susette La Flesche Tibbles (1854-1903), or “Bright Eyes,” was a prominent Native American activist and suffragist that advocated for Native American rights in the face of barriers created by U.S. federal policy. She is best known for embarking on a series of nationwide and international speaking tours, which were widely successful, to document the adversity faced by Native Americans in American society. Her wish to promote equality for Native Americans in society also extended to the socio-political realm, as she became a staunch advocate for women’s suffrage, especially that of Native American women. Tibbles also served as an expert witness and interpreter in court for Native Americans who wished to sue the government due to various types of grievances. In fact, she served as an interpreter for Standing Bear, who sued the federal government in 1879 and acquired a ruling that allowed Native Americans to choose where they want to live. Tibble’s testimonies about the lack of Native American rights in front of Congress eventually led to the landmark 1887 Dawes Act. “Bright Eyes” was a notable advocate for an intersectional equality of gender, in relation to female enfranchisement, and socio-political Native American rights. 

Adella Hunt Logan.

Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), as a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, made philosophical contributions to rationalizing why black women deserve the right to vote. As a charter member of the Tuskegee Women’s Club and lecturer for conferences at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, she combined white suffrage rationale with black women’s suffrage to amplify its effects and overall message. This philosophy gained traction in the black women’s suffrage movement, especially as Logan published these ideas in prominent magazines such as Colored American and Crisis. Attacking anti-suffrage movements, she augmented her justification for female enfranchisement with an unequivocally potent rationale; the right to vote for black women would be a undeniable form of protection against rape and sexual abuse for them. Gaining national attention, her arguments for the enfranchisement of black women included core tenets form Mary Ann Shadd Cady, Frances E.W. Harper, and Sojourner Truth. Additionally, she staged lantern slide nights and organized suffrage parades for women’s club members at the beginning of President William McKinely’s re-election parade. Logan used her unique intellectual basis of activism to the advantage of advancing the cause of suffrage, especially for African American women. 

The movement of women’s suffrage was not solely for the purpose of obtaining the right to vote; it was a greater mission for achieving equality and recognition for their valuable character and contributions as women of color in a society that had acted often against their best interests. From the decade of 1880-1890, suffragette women persisted in their efforts to achieve this comprehensive equality for the present and future generations. 

References:

1. Rothberg, Emma.“Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”).” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/susette-la-flesche-tibbles-bright-eyes 

2. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

Two Women on the LGBTQ+ Community and Representation

Photograph by Joshua Roberts from Bloomberg/Getty Images for Time Magazine.

BY: SOPHIE LOVERING, SUMMER 2020 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

June is LGBTQ+ Pride Month. This month celebrates all of the progress made toward equality for members of the LGBTQ+ community, but also serves as a reminder of the prejudices that still exist. To honor the month, I created a survey for women within the LGBTQ+ community concerning representation. Two women, both who identify as bisexual, anonymously answered this survey. Woman one is 20 years old and defines her membership within the LGBTQ+ community as “bisexual.” Woman two is 21 years old and has known she is bisexual since sixth grade, but kept it to herself “until the LGBTQ+ community seemed to emerge around [her] toward the end of high school;” all of her romantic relationships have been heterosexual, so she has found it difficult to truly feel like a member of the LGBTQ+ community. 

When asked about representation in media, woman one discussed that there has been increasingly more LGBTQ+ representation, especially in television. Two bisexual characters that stood out to her were Petra from Jane the Virgin and Diaz from Brooklyn Nine-Nine. She believes that these two shows adequately represent the women and do not tokenize the female characters by “making their sexuality a huge plot point.” Woman one is correct that representation has increased; according to the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD), comedy is no longer the most LGBTQ+ inclusive genre [1]. Woman two discussed the other end of media representation, and wrote that “bisexual women are hyper-sexualised to [an] extent that is not seen with bisexual people of other genders.” Concerning other members of the LGBTQ+ community, woman two believes that media representation is very low, evidenced by the vast majority of commercials and advertisements that feature only straight, cisgender couples. Woman two is correct; according to GLAAD, only 12.8% of films released in 2017 contained LGBTQ+ characters [1]. Of these films, a majority featured only gay men, often excluding women from the narrative [1].

Concerning representation in politics, both women believe that there is much more work to be done. After discussing Kyrsten Sinema, United States Senator from Arizona, as the first openly bisexual Senator and as a role model, woman one argued that, despite marginal improvement, “a handful of elected officials doesn't nearly represent the LGBTQ+ community in actual American society.” She emphasized that, although it is great to see representation increasing, it is also important to see this change reflected in actual policies and legislation. Woman two agrees that representation is dismal: she wrote that female representation in politics is extremely low in comparison to women’s contribution to the general population, and that the representation of LGBTQ+ women in politics is “little to none.” Both women are correct; Power in Place recognizes that, at the current rate of progress, we will not achieve political gender parity for nearly 500 years. 

After asking the survey respondents about representation in media and politics, I asked them where they felt the most influential; I was curious to see if younger women within the LGBTQ+ community find that politics is a less welcoming atmosphere than other spheres of life. Woman one had to think about this question for a while. She came to the conclusion that she feels most influential among her peers because they “genuinely and constructively listen to [her] thoughts and [they are] able to engage in productive, intellectual conversations.” She has found that older adults are often overly confident that their views must be correct given their experience or arrogance, or both. Woman two wrote that she feels “the most influential in [her] closest circle of family and friends;” beyond this sphere, she does not feel like she could be very influential at all. 

I cannot speak for the survey respondents beyond their own responses, however I think it is critical to remember that what some may consider representation is in reality clouded by its actual impact on individuals. Descriptive representation does not necessarily translate into actual changes, and both the type and amount of representation affects individuals’ perceptions of their impact on their environments. 

References

[1] The Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation. “Overview of Findings.” 2018. https://www.glaad.org/sri/2018/overview.

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Sophie Lovering is a rising junior at the University of Pennsylvania majoring in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (PPE) and minoring in American Sign Language and Deaf Studies. She is involved in the Penn Undergraduate Law Journal, Penn Special Olympics, Penn's Beyond Arrests: Re-Thinking Systematic Oppression, and Penn Women's Rowing. She is interested in criminal justice reform and social justice advocacy.

Why We Riot

BY: SOPHIA CASTEN, SUMMER 2020 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

As we move, sit, protest, and isolate through the 51st anniversary of Pride Month, it is imperative to call upon white and non-Black members of the LGBTQ+ community, like myself, to recognize the roots of our celebratory month and its relevance given the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement. The recent riots that took place across the country in response to the killing of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man in Minneapolis and many more people like him, have gained copious amounts of criticism across political parties and social identities including from members of the LGBTQ+ community. 

Though the criticism is widespread, it is imperative to remember that Pride month was created from a series of riots. Specifically, the Cooper Do-Nuts Riot, The Black Cat Tavern riot, Gene Compton’s Café Riot, and most famously, The Stonewall Riots. The culmination of these riots, which were often led by trans people of color, were in direct response to homophobic and transphobic police violence that plagued the LGBTQ+ community for decades prior to the rioting. It is really easy to forget about the beginnings of Pride when it is now a celebration trademarked with rainbows, sexual liberation, and nation-wide parades and not violence, criminalization, and blatant police brutality. 

I urge members of the LGBTQ+ community, including allies, to see the Black Lives Matter riots and protests happening now as a sign of a revolution that could turn into a celebration. Just as Marsha P. Johnson, a Black trans woman, is hailed for throwing the first brick at Stonewall, we must hail the young leaders, mainly women of color, who continue to organize and fight back against racist police brutality. Many women politicians who have been outspoken about social justice issues from the beginning are urging all supporters and members of the LGBTQ+ community to support the Black Lives Matter movement in its entirety. 

New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (affectionately known as AOC), shared in a June 1st 2020 tweet that she, along with a few other politicians, introduced a resolution “calling on the FDA to allow gay and bisexual men to donate blood without discrimination.” During a global pandemic where blood donation is necessary and where Black people are disproportionately impacted by the virus, prohibiting members of the LGBTQ+ community from donating is “especially cruel.” Continuously, we are seeing Black and non-Black members of the LGBTQ+ community speak out against racial injustice while remembering the beginnings of Pride over 50 years ago. 

Activists have been diligent in sharing resources that folks can donate to/support, if able. Below is a list of organizations and groups that support Black LGBTQ+ rights. 

https://www.glitsinc.org/

https://transgenderlawcenter.org/support

https://marshap.org/donate/

https://my.truecolorsunited.org/give/118989/#!/donation/checkout

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Sophia Casten is a rising junior at Smith College majoring in Government with a certificate in Reproductive Health Rights and Justice. She is a Yoga teacher and a Community Health Organizer at the Smith Wellness Center and is passionate about spreading inclusive wellness practices. Sophia is interested in reproductive justice, LGBTQ+ rights advocacy, and public policy reform.