The Equal Rights Amendment: Is A Century Enough?

By Tori Zucco, Summer 2023 Power in Place Collaborator

Image from: Library of Congress

On July 21, 1923 – almost exactly one hundred years ago – the Equal Rights Amendment was unveiled in Seneca Falls, New York by Alice Paul. After the 19th Amendment had finally passed in 1920, Paul and other suffragettes wanted to take women’s rights a step further: they wanted gender equality to be explicit in the Constitution. So, they got together and authored a new amendment that would do just that. The Equal Rights Amendment as it was unveiled by Paul was simple. It read “Men and women shall have equal rights through the United States and every place subject to its jurisdiction.” This amendment was meant to be a huge step in giving women the rights and privileges that men have held since the founding of this nation. Unfortunately, a full century later, it is still not part of the Constitution. 

The ERA was introduced in Congress for the first time in December 1923. Unsurprisingly, it failed to pass and little progress was made over time. It was introduced in every session of Congress since 1923 and only made headway in the 1970s. After 49 years of rejection, the Equal Rights Amendment was passed by both chambers of Congress in 1972. By this time, the ERA had been revised and the new text read: “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on the account of sex.” 

The next necessary step to becoming an amendment is for the text to be ratified by 38 states. Congress placed a seven year deadline on the ratification process and left the states to do their thing. Things got off to an optimistic start: 30 of the necessary 38 states had ratified the ERA within a year. However, momentum slowed. By the end of the seven years, it had only been ratified by 35 states. Congress voted to extend the deadline by an additional three years, but the proposed amendment was not ratified by a single additional state in that time period. In fact, opinions had shifted so heavily that five states voted to rescind their ratification of the ERA. By the time they reached the extended 1982 deadline, many people had considered the Equal Rights Amendment a lost cause. 

The ERA remained sidelined until 2017 when, 35 years after the extended deadline, it was ratified by Nevada. The resurgence of attention on the ERA was likely due to the increase of women’s activism and women-centric social movements such as the Women’s March on Washington and the #MeToo Movement. Illinois followed Nevada in 2018 and Virginia became the 38th state to ratify the amendment in 2020. Virginia’s ratification should’ve satisfied the final requirements for the ERA to become an official part of the Constitution. However, it has faced roadblocks that continue to stand in the way of its adoption.

There are a few issues stopping the ERA from being validated. The main hurdles are conflicting legal opinions and lack of precedent. Some believe that Virginia is not actually the 38th state to ratify the ERA. Given that Kentucky, Nebraska, Tennessee, South Dakota, and Idaho rescinded their ratifications, some conservative lawmakers and legal scholars believe that the proposed amendment must be ratified by five more states. However, unratification has not stopped previous amendments from being adopted. Several states rescinded their ratification of the 14th and 15th Amendments after the Civil War but Congress disregarded these rescissions and declared the amendments ratified. The same should be done for the ERA. 

Those who feel the ERA’s adoption would be invalid also blame the blown deadline. Nevada, Illinois, and Virginia were late to the game. Some – mainly Republican – lawmakers and legal scholars believe that these states’ ratifications are null and void because they did not occur within the set timeline. Other scholars, however, believe that if Congress has the power to impose a deadline, they also have the power to dissolve it. It’s important to mention that the deadline is included in the resolution argument proposing the amendment, not in the text of the amendment itself. Because of this, many legal scholars argue that Congress has the power to dissolve the deadline. 

With all of these roadblocks, the ERA remains in limbo. It’s stuck in this strange phase where it’s satisfied all of the requirements to be an amendment but hasn’t officially been adopted as part of the Constitution. Efforts have been made to validate the ERA but they have unfortunately been unsuccessful. The text of the amendment states that it would go into effect two years after being ratified. If things had gone accordingly after Virginia’s ratification, gender equality would have become a constitutional right in 2022. If the ERA had gone into effect, the Supreme Court likely would not have been able to overturn Roe v. Wade with the Dobbs decision last summer. The ERA would also support expanding protections provided by the Violence Against Women Act, close loopholes that subtly permit wage discrimination, and strengthen legal cases related to TItle IX. Without it, we only have rights to lose.

No one is harmed by the Equal Rights Amendment. Yet it is stuck at a standstill because of antiquated processes and conservatives who seek to block initiatives that undo power structures they benefit from. How much longer will it take? It’s already been a hundred years, will it take a hundred more? How many rights will we lose in the meantime?

References

[1] Baker, Carrie N. “Fifty Years Later, the Equal Rights Amendment Is Ratified. Now What?” Ms. Magazine. February 10, 2022. https://msmagazine.com/2022/02/10/equal-rights-amendment-ratified/ 

[2] Bleiweis, Robin. “The Equal Rights Amendment: What You Need To Know.” Center for American Progress. January 29, 2020. https://www.americanprogress.org/article/equal-rights-amendment-need-know/

[3] Cohen, Alex and Wilfred U. Codrington III. “The Equal Rights Amendment Explained.” Brennan Center for Justice. January 23, 2020. https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/equal-rights-amendment-explained

[4] Dismore, David M. “Today in Feminist History: Suffrage Is Not Sufficient, The Lucretia Mott Amendment (July 21, 1923).” Ms. Magazine. July 21, 2020. https://msmagazine.com/2020/07/21/feminist-history-july-21/ 

[5] Kurtzleben, Danielle. “House Votes To Revive Equal Rights Amendment, Removing Ratification Deadline.” NPR. February 13, 2020. https://www.npr.org/2020/02/13/805647054/house-votes-to-revive-equal-rights-amendment-removing-ratification-deadline 
[6] Puckett-Pope, Lauren. “The Equal Rights Amendment Could Still Pass Today – Here’s How You Can Support It.” Harper’s Bazaar. August 26, 2020. https://www.harpersbazaar.com/culture/politics/a32175363/what-is-the-equal-rights-amendment-today/

Tori Zucco is a rising senior at Wheaton College Massachusetts majoring in Sociology with a minor in Women’s and Gender Studies. She is interested in social justice, reproductive justice, and writing. On campus, Tori works as a Peer Writing Tutor.

Margaret Foley: The Life and Legacy of a Queer Suffragette

By Emma Quirk, Summer 2023 Collaborator at Power in Place

Margaret Foley was an activist who fought hard for the suffrage movement. She is best remembered as “the Heckler,” a woman who was loud about what she cared about, unafraid to interrupt men, and captivated her audiences when she spoke. Foley is credited with pushing multiple anti-suffrage politicians out of their positions in public office. 

Born in 1873 to Irish immigrant parents in Dorchester Massachusetts, her working-class background separated her from the majority of the well-known suffragettes, who were generally middle to upper-class. Foley worked in a hatmaker’s factory, where she joined the union. This is where she began her activist career: fighting for improved working conditions. She believed that all women deserved the right to vote, especially those who worked and paid taxes. 

As a suffragette, Foley worked for the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association (MWSA) and the Margaret Brent Suffrage Guild. Passionate about women’s rights and spreading this message in any way she could, she notably heckled politicians, distributed pamphlets from a hot air balloon, and spoke with people in mines, public meeting houses, and on street corners. 

Foley traveled to London, England to further learn from other suffragettes, particularly Emmeline Pankhurst. She was arrested alongside other suffragettes for protesting, and the news of this spread to the United States. Her parents were horrified, however, Foley was invigorated by this experience and kept in touch with Pankhurst via letters for years following, despite Foley’s return to America. Through remarks from Foley and the subsequent contents of the letters exchanged, it is relatively clear that Foley had a romantic crush on Pankhurst. 

At the time, queer relationships were not accepted in mainstream suffragette circles, and they were certainly not accepted in wider American society. Those who opposed the suffragettes often called them untraditional, mannish, and unladylike and used these notions to push against the right for women to vote. Within the movement, organizations such as the National American Women’s Suffrage Association (NAWSA), distanced themselves from suffragettes like Foley who defied norms, were working-class, and did not behave in ways that were deemed ladylike.  

Foley never formally married, however, she lived with fellow suffragette Helen Elizabeth Goodnow from the mid-1920s until her death in 1957. The two lived in what is referred to as  ‘Boston marriage,’ a domestic relationship between two women who lived together and did not choose to marry a man. These most commonly occurred in Boston, hence the name, where there was a dense population of college-educated women who had the financial ability not to enter a heterosexual marriage. While not all of these were necessarily romantic in nature, based on evidence from their lives, Foley and Goodnow’s was. 

The two met while working for MWSA, with Goodnow volunteering to be Foley’s secretary in 1916. They toured the country together during this time, promoting suffrage ideals to people in the southern United States. Years later, Goodnow wrote to her grandmother “I think of the hundreds of people who would give anything to be with her for a week. We read together, walked together, got up, and went to bed when we felt like it. And she really loves me.” Despite retaliating from cultural and social norms of the time, Foley and Goodnow chose a life in which they weren’t accepted by most. They served as an image for future queer relationships to look upon and further the fight for acceptance.

When learning about the suffragette movement, it is imperative to not only explore the most commonly shared narratives and names but to examine closely who and what are being purposefully excluded from these accounts. The stories of suffragettes who were not deemed model women and defied norms — whether they dressed in “men’s clothes,” were working women, chose to remain unmarried, or were simply not wealthy white women — have been purposefully hidden, and it is time to uncover and share them.

References

[1] Boston National Historical Park. “Margaret Foley.” National Park Service, Updated January 17, 2023, https://www.nps.gov/people/margaret-foley.htm.  

[2] Boyles, Anna. “Boston Marriages and the Queer History of Women’s Suffrage.” City of  Boston, Updated November 15, 2022, https://www.boston.gov/news/boston-marriages-and-queer-history-womens-suffrage. 

[3] Connolly, Jenna. “Boston Irish-Americans to Remember: Suffragist Margaret Foley.” Very  Local, April 15, 2022. https://www.verylocal.com/boston-suffragist-margaret-foley/21627/. 

[4] Margaret Foley Papers, 1847-1968. Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. https://id.lib.harvard.edu/ead/sch00004/catalog  Accessed June 15, 2023.

[5] Rouse, Wendy. Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement. New York University Press, 2022. 

Emma Quirk is a rising sophomore at Mount Holyoke College and is double majoring in English and Critical Social Thought. On campus, Emma is a staff writer and photos editor for Mount Holyoke News and works as a student fellow in the Office of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion.

The 1913 Women's Suffrage Procession: revitalizing the hope for female enfranchisement against all odds

Women suffragists at the head of the parade, marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, with the U.S. Capitol in background, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On March 3, 1913, the Women’s Suffrage Procession manifested a new energy for the suffrage movement, paving the way for the landmark 19th amendment to be passed in Congress. A substantial procession of 8,000 marchers, 9 bands, 4 mounted brigades, and 20 floats gathered on Pennsylvania Avenue to march to the Treasury Building for an allegorical performance demanding necessity of female enfranchisement. Organized by the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), this gathering of women demanding socio-political equality occurred on a strategic day in order to denounce the lack of female representation in the political sphere. These women marched on the same route that the new President, Woodrow Wilson, would undertake the very next day, March 4, en route to his presidential inauguration. The 1913 women’s suffrage procession was expertly planned in order to fall on this exact date, in the presence of lawmakers in Washington, D.C. The chairs of the NAWSA, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, wished to send a provocative message that indicated a new chapter of resistance to gender-based disenfranchisement.

Cover of program for the National American Woman Suffrage Association procession, showing woman, in elaborate attire, with cape, blowing long horn, from which is draped a "votes for women" banner, on decorated horse, with U.S. Capitol in background. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

““The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” ”

A diverse group of women gathered in order to justly demand the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in Congress. Proposed in 1878, this amendment prohibited the denial of enfranchisement, based on gender, and thus exemplified the core philosophy of the women’s suffrage movement. However, this amendment had been stalled for the last 35 years; this reality would not be tolerated anymore by the dedicated suffragists. With elaborate floats, decor, and songs, this procession possessed the intent to make that bold statement in a concrete way. In fact, the procession was designed to present an argument for the validity of female enfranchisement; each section highlighted the distinct accomplishments of the respective participants. There were delegations from states, specific professions (like business or law), and universities. 

Inez Milholland rides Grey Dawn as the herald of the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Harris & Ewing, photographer. Records of the National Woman's Party, Library of Congress

The first sight of the procession was Inez Milholland, dressed in white on top of a white horse named Grey Dawn, represented the ideal of female suffrage. As a prominent lawyer and activist, she represented the New Woman, whose voice would no longer be suppressed by patriarchal, electoral institutions. As the New Women of the 20th century, this generation of women rebelled against the establishment of societal expectations and challenged gender norms in various ways. From dress to behavior, a new wave of change was being realized during the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. This next generation of women pursued female equality, not only in the political and legal sphere, but in all areas of existence. Feminism was on display, as each woman had a specific individual cause that they stood for, in addition to standing together in a collective mission for female enfranchisement while marching down the National Mall. 

“We demand an amendment to the Constitution of the United States enfranchising the women of this country.”

The "Great Demand" float in the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University

The first float, which held the message of the “Great Demand,” represented the newfound commitment and energy that was needed by the suffrage movement to actively achieve their goal. Suffragettes were no longer content with accepting limited voting rights in bits or in one state/jurisdiction; a nationwide enfranchisement was necessary. 

March 3, 1913 photo at the Suffrage Parade, showing marchers (left to right) Mrs. Russell McLennan, Mrs. Althea Taft, Mrs. Lew Bridges, Mrs. Richard Coke Burleson, Alberta Hill and Miss F. Ragsdale. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin.

Suffragettes of color were a prominent feature in the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. More than 40 black women, with their specific state delegations, marched together for a future of political enfranchisement and equality. Leading banners from their sections, they encapsulated a conjoint end of racial justice with achieving the right to vote for women. There were even 25 black students from the Delta Sigma Theta sorority at Howard University, with as many as 6 graduates. Those women, with their respected academic regalia, included prominent suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell. Additionally, Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin, a famous Native American lawyer who advocated for the rights of her people with the Society of American Indians, marched in the procession. Her presence highlighted the relevant role of suffragists of color to re-energizing the women’s suffrage movement. White female suffragists did not only function as important contributors; women of color actively contributed to the health and vitality of this collective cause of suffrage.

Ida B. Wells-Burnett

However, the participation and advocacy of suffragists of color did not function without complications. For example, Ida B.Wells-Burnett, a prominent African American suffrage activist, was denied the opportunity to march at the front of the Illinois delegation like she had originally intended. It is important to remember that she, as a black woman, still faced more barriers to her activism than her white counterparts, who as organizers of this procession relegated her to march at the back of the Illinois delegation. However, Wells-Burnett refused to let the color of her skin dictate the depth of her role in advocating for women's suffrage; eventually, she found a way to march at the front of her delegation. The efforts of Ida B. Wells-Burnett serve as a reminder that racial justice is a conjoint end with women’s suffrage, occupying the same status of importance.

Part of the 1913 Suffrage Parade. The signs read "In The Home,” and "Homemakers.” Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession seemed to have all the components to be successful, but faced unprecedented obstacles. A crowd of 250,000 people, mainly men who arrived in the nation’s capital for the presidential inauguration, formed a physical barrier against the marching procession of women. These spectators blocked the parade route, accosting the women in the street and stopping their forward movement. A physical confrontation resulted within the parade, as the crowd sought to advance their own agenda at the expense of this tightly organized procession of women. Even though the participants on horseback sought to block these individuals, the sheer number of spectators disrupted the women’s march to their destination, the Treasury building. In fact, a sea of hostile, jeering men shouted rude, explicit insults at the women. Harassment, cat-calling, and sexual propositions flew in the face of each woman in the parade as they persisted onward.

The crowd converges on marchers, blocking the parade route during March 3, 1913, suffrage procession, in Washington, District of Columbia. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Yet, the bravery of these women was evident, as many continued on in the face of the vile opposition of the surrounding crowd. Even with tears, and psychological hurt, they persisted without interruption or hesitation. Some even carried banner poles, flags, and hat pins to ward off the attack. Physical unrest was a challenge that would be overcome together, with a collective effort. It was in fact necessary to assert their independent voices, and defend their bodies, when the Capitol Police was unable, or unwilling, to intervene. It was only until U.S. army troops entered the crowd that the spectators disappeared from harassing these women. En route to demanding their right to vote, it is telling that these female participants also had to, in an autonomous manner, affirm their own safety against an opposition that was threatened by their willingness to break traditional patriarchal norms. For these women, giving up was not an option, as there was too much at stake in their quest for socio-political equality.

The crowd surrounds and slows a Red Cross ambulance during the Women's suffrage procession, on March 3, 1913. Dozens of marchers were injured during the march, shoved and tripped by spectators. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession on March 3, 1913, made notable headlines in newspapers around the country. The disruptive unrest of the crowd yielded 100 participants that were eventually hospitalized as a consequence of their involvement in the parade. Therefore, as the public deemed it unfathomable that the police did nothing to stop the blatant disruption of the ongoing procession, scandal ensued. An investigation of the ineffectiveness of the Capitol police commenced in the following days, resulting in the firing of the Washington, D.C. superintendent of police. It is clear that the police did not value this procession, which was threatened by disruptive crowds, as a cause worth protecting.The women of the NAWSA took a stand for themselves, in the face of substantial resistance to their efforts, and did not back down.

Tableau presented by the Women's Suffrage Association, on the U.S. Treasury building steps, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession garnered more attention than the events of the next day, the presidential inauguration. On the same steps of the suffragists occupied, President Wilson was seemingly an afterthought in the shadow of the previous events. The suffragettes, who even suffered injuries to march against the physical barrier of the spectators, took center stage. The procession of these bold suffragettes renewed energy and public attention to their cause of pursuing and realizing the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment and the “Great Demand.” The suffrage movement needed this jolt of energy in order to affirm greater vitality and vigor in its character. This reinvigoration of the suffrage movement thus created powerful momentum, as in the next 7 years, the right to vote for women would be concretely realized in the political and legal sphere. The 19th amendment benefited from the events of March 3, 1913; a newfound spirit that fought for gender egalitarianism in enfranchisement manifested in the actions of these brave women. The women marching in the 1913 procession unequivocally valued a future where the next generations of women would experience socio-political equality.

References: 

1. Taylor, Alan. “The 1913 Women’s Suffrage Parade.” The Atlantic. March 1, 2013. https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2013/03/100-years-ago-the-1913-womens-suffrage-parade/100465/ 

2. “1913 Woman Suffrage Procession.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/articles/woman-suffrage-procession1913.htm 

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The suffragettes of 1880-1890: simultaneously pursuing racial justice alongside the landmark right to vote

First Issue of The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, November 1910. New York: NAACP, 1910.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, 2021 WINTER COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The years between 1880 and 1890 yielded immense progress for achieving the reality of female enfranchisement within a historically male-dominated society. Suffragettes, especially those of color, were able to challenge patriarchal institutions, such as the denial of women’s suffrage, through influential actions based on philosophies of gender, racial, and social justice. The conjoint nature of this activism not only cultivated hope in the suffrage movement for women of color, but also in the greater movement to assert rights that are denied on the basis of one's identity. These rights were traditionally marginalized in a socioeconomic and political context and held as the standard in both cultural, social, and legal norms. Advocating for suffrage, for these women of color, is synonymous with an awareness for intersectionality of identity. The enfranchisement of women would not be truly successful if it did not account for deconstructing structural inequalities that are based in an interconnected identity of race, gender, and other forms of identity. These brave suffragette women of color tackled systemic manners of oppression in American society, such as the denial of female enfranchisement and racism, by using their unique identities to their advantage.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), as a prolific black poet, writer, and  journalist that advocated for the suffrage, and subsequent social equality, of black women. Her commitment to this conjoint gender and racial justice first began with helping slaves escape through the Underground Railroad and publishing anti-slavery journalistic works. Later, during the American Reconstruction Era, she was a prominent activist for civil rights, women’s suffrage, and equitable education opportunities for black citizens. Her advocacy was mainly done through her high status in the literary and journalism world; she is known as the “mother of African American journalism,” and one of the first black writers to popularize Africa American protest poetry. For example, her short story, The Two Offers, was the first short story published by an African American writer. Her ideals of equality and representation in literature extended into her contributions in society; Harper was a co-founder and Vice President of the National Association of Colored Women and member of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Additionally, she was the superintendent of the Colored Section of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Harper, as an extremely accomplished writer and activist, leaves an indelible mark on the history of suffragettes of color. 

Harriet Purvis, Jr. , circa 1874.

Harriet (Hattie) Purvis, Jr. (1839-1904) was also an active supporter of women’s suffrage in the face of societal challenges. While her views on female enfranchisement are relatively unknown, she represented the second generation of black women suffragettes. She was active in the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association and a member of its executive committee in 1884. Furthemore, between 1883-1900, she was also a notable delegate for the National American Woman Suffrage Association due to her work in the state of Pennsylvania. She was also involved, as a superintendent of work among Colored People for the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Purvis, Jr. is an important figure who fought for women’s suffrage, especially for black women, that has been hidden in the corners of history. Her contributions, especially those in Pennsylvania, are intrinsically in need of recognition.

Getrude Bustill Mossell.

Getrude Bustill Mosell (1855-1948) was an active journalist that used her platform to highlight the severity of achieving women’s suffrage, especially for women of color. As a journalist, she wrote about these issues of gender and racial justice in The New York Freedom, one of T. Thomas Fortune’s newspapers. Her first publication, titled “Women’s Suffrage,” in 1865 encouraged women to read about the history of the suffrage movement and previous articles of women’s rights. Encouraging a black, female audience, Mosell used the press as an effective way to appeal and inspire black women to contribute to the suffragist movement. In addition, due to her high journalistic status, she was able to relate to middle class views of housewives who were feminists and encourage them to advocate for female enfranchisement. Mosell, through the black press, sought to appeal to demographics that were relational to her intersectional identity of a black female journalist, in order to garner more support for the suffragist movement. 

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, 1902.

Jospehine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) was a major figure in the advancement of women’s enfranchisement in the state of Massachusetts. Also beginning as a journalist, she joined in the work of the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and later became affiliated with the American Woman Suffrage Association. In fact, in 1895, she convened the first conference of the National Federation of Afro-American Women, which was probably the first national organization of black women, in Boston. Ruffin was an unequivocal leader in the black women’s club movement, which united black women under the cause of female enfranchisement. She wrote in her black woman’s newspaper, The Women’s Era, utilizing her previous journalistic experience for the progress of women’s rights. In Massachusetts, she urged white women to join with black women to advance the suffragist cause. However, her efforts to unite black and white women’s clubs (and thus combat racial inequalities) were not extremely successful; she experienced discrimination at the Convetion of General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1900. Nevertheless, Ruffin persisted in her cause of combatting societal institutions such as female disenfranchisement, and realizing the deconstruction of gender and racial injustices.

Josephine Bruce.

Josephine Bruce (1853-1923), was a prominent activist for women’s rights and suffragists in the Washington, D.C. area. With her husband, Representative Blanche K. Bruce, the first U.S. Senator from Mississippi during the Reconstruction Era, Bruce’s influence in the D.C. area was extremely noticeable and impactful. She was a charter member of the Colored Women’s League of D.C. and helped organize the National Organization of Afro-American Women in 1894. Moreover, she headed over the national executive committee of the National Association of Colored Women and was the editor of its publication, Notes. Drawing on journalism as an effective medium of advocating for the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for women (especially of color), Bruce often published articles in Crisis Magazine and In the Voice of the Negro. She also served as the editor of the magazine for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, after becoming involved in the organization. Concerned by the evident inequality for women of color in American society, Bruce took action, writing for the necessity of women’s rights and suffrage, and reached a far audience due to her high status in our nation’s capital.

Anna J. Cooper, Oberlin College.

Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964), as part of a rich tradition of black writers and intellectuals in the Washington, D.C. area, was a fervent advocate for black feminism and self determination within the women’s suffrage movement. As teacher and principal at the famous M. Street High School in Washington D.C., she became an esteemed clubwoman and social activist who was greatly admired for her belief that the status of black women was central to the progress of the nation. With her influence in the nation’s capital, she also served as a mentor for other suffrage activists, such as Angelina Grimke and Nannie Helen Burroughs. Furthermore, her book, A Voice in the South in 1882, promotes the notion that black women could empower themselves, and have innate capacities for self determination, through education and social uplift. Cooper, with her high status as a writer, used her platform to highlight the necessity of guaranteeing a future in American society where black women were enfranchised and inherently valued.

Susette La Flasche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) Courtesy of Nebraska State Historical Society.

Susette La Flesche Tibbles (1854-1903), or “Bright Eyes,” was a prominent Native American activist and suffragist that advocated for Native American rights in the face of barriers created by U.S. federal policy. She is best known for embarking on a series of nationwide and international speaking tours, which were widely successful, to document the adversity faced by Native Americans in American society. Her wish to promote equality for Native Americans in society also extended to the socio-political realm, as she became a staunch advocate for women’s suffrage, especially that of Native American women. Tibbles also served as an expert witness and interpreter in court for Native Americans who wished to sue the government due to various types of grievances. In fact, she served as an interpreter for Standing Bear, who sued the federal government in 1879 and acquired a ruling that allowed Native Americans to choose where they want to live. Tibble’s testimonies about the lack of Native American rights in front of Congress eventually led to the landmark 1887 Dawes Act. “Bright Eyes” was a notable advocate for an intersectional equality of gender, in relation to female enfranchisement, and socio-political Native American rights. 

Adella Hunt Logan.

Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), as a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, made philosophical contributions to rationalizing why black women deserve the right to vote. As a charter member of the Tuskegee Women’s Club and lecturer for conferences at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, she combined white suffrage rationale with black women’s suffrage to amplify its effects and overall message. This philosophy gained traction in the black women’s suffrage movement, especially as Logan published these ideas in prominent magazines such as Colored American and Crisis. Attacking anti-suffrage movements, she augmented her justification for female enfranchisement with an unequivocally potent rationale; the right to vote for black women would be a undeniable form of protection against rape and sexual abuse for them. Gaining national attention, her arguments for the enfranchisement of black women included core tenets form Mary Ann Shadd Cady, Frances E.W. Harper, and Sojourner Truth. Additionally, she staged lantern slide nights and organized suffrage parades for women’s club members at the beginning of President William McKinely’s re-election parade. Logan used her unique intellectual basis of activism to the advantage of advancing the cause of suffrage, especially for African American women. 

The movement of women’s suffrage was not solely for the purpose of obtaining the right to vote; it was a greater mission for achieving equality and recognition for their valuable character and contributions as women of color in a society that had acted often against their best interests. From the decade of 1880-1890, suffragette women persisted in their efforts to achieve this comprehensive equality for the present and future generations. 

References:

1. Rothberg, Emma.“Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”).” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/susette-la-flesche-tibbles-bright-eyes 

2. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

Why speak out in the face of insurmountable challenges?

“ “The ultimate tragedy is not the oppression and cruelty by the bad people but the silence over that by the good people.”
- Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. ”

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER AND PLACE

Speaking out against the injustices of the world is an example of high moral integrity in a human being. For these women who advocated for the suffragette cause, in the 19th & 20th centuries, their status, credibility, and words would be questioned in their contemporary society. However, the potential of being ostracized by societal institutions did not stop them from speaking our from structural inequities. These women did not let their voices be silenced in the welfare of female generations in the past, present, and future.

““As much as white women need the ballot, colored women need it more.”
(Closing remarks at the 1873 Convention of the American Woman Suffrage Association in New York) ”

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper

- Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), an African American writer, poet, and suffragette who popularized gender and racial equality through her poetry, short stories, and widely circulated writings.

““Peaceful revolutions are slow but sure. It takes time to leaven a great unwieldy mass like this nation with the leavening ideas of justice and liberty, but evolution is all the more certain in its results because it is so slow.” ”

Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) circa 1880s. Courtesy of the Nebraska State Historical Society.

- Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) (1854-1903), a Native American activist and suffragette who represented Native American rights against U.S. Federal Policy and viewed women’s suffrage as a conjoint end.

““When the ballot is put into the hands of the American woman, the world is going to get a correct estimate of the Negro woman. It will find her a tower of strength of which poets have never sung, orators have never spoken, and scholars have never written.””

Nannie Helen Burroughs.

- Nannie Helen Burroughs (1879-1961), an African American suffragette who established the Women’s Convention, as a church branch of the National Baptists Convention, that was the largest body of African American women in the U.S. and opened the National Training School of Women and Girls for poor, working class African American women.

““Educate a woman and you educate a family.””

Jovita Idár (middle) in the print shop of El Progreso, 1914.

- Jovita Idár (1885-1946), a Latina journalist, suffragist, and activist who advocated for the plight of Mexican Americans in Texas as well as the socio-political equality of Mexican American women in obtaining the right to vote.

““We are justified in believing that the success of this movement for equality of the sexes means more progress toward equality of the races.””

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin

- Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) a prominent African American journalist and suffragette who formed the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and urged black women to participate in politics through her writings in her own newsletter, The Women’s Era.

“If white American women, with all their natural and acquired advantages, need the ballot, that right protective of all other rights; if Anglo Saxons have been helped by it … how much more do Black Americans, male and female, need the strong defense of a vote to help secure them their right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness?” ”

Adella Hunt Logan, 1902.

- Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, and major contributor to the philosophy of the black women’s suffrage movement by combining white suffrage rationale with the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for black women.

References: 

1. Wicker, Jewel. “16 Best Quotes About Women of Color Deserving the Right to Vote.” Teen Vogue. 2020. https://www.teenvogue.com/story/best-quotes-women-right-to-vote 

2. Gomez, Skylar. “12 African American Suffragists who shouldn’t be overlooked.” Literary Ladies Guide. 2019. https://www.literaryladiesguide.com/other-rad-voices/12-african-american-suffragists/  

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

1910-1920: A Formative Decade for Women of Color in the American Suffragist Movement

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The movement for women’s suffrage, which culminated in the ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920, has yielded many influential figures. While prominent women such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony often take center stage, there are many influential figures that have been relegated to the hidden corners of history. Such is the case of suffragette women of color: in the decade before the realization of women’s suffrage, from 1910-1920, suffragette women of color greatly contributed to this cause without widespread recognition. Fortunately, efforts are now being made to highlight their impact on the success to the suffrage movement.  From 1910-1920, it is evident that women of color have historically dedicated their lives to political egalitarianism within their right to vote. 

National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Gallery, 1898.

Zit Kala-Sa (1876-1938), born of Yankton Sioux ancestry, was a prolific writer and activist that sought to expand opportunities, like suffrage, for Native Americans and promote their cultural equality within the dominance of American federal policy. The Native American culture as a source of pride, instead of devalorisation. In 1916, she became the secretary of the Society of the American Indians and  liaison with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. As the first all American Indian organization, it promoted the  political, socioeconomic, and cultural equality of American Indians. With her dedication to women’s suffrage, she joined the General Foundation of Women’s Clubs as a distinct Native American voice. Furthermore, she eventually became the founder, as well as the President, of the National Council of American Indians in 1926 that united many Indian tribes under the cause of achieving full citizenship through suffrage. Her persistence is exemplified in her commitment to social justice, from women’s suffrage to citizenship to equal education and health care. Zit Kala-Sa embodied the value of the Native American perspective for the fight for women’s suffrage and Native American rights.

Verina Morton Jones (1865-1943) is a vanguard for women in racial justice, suffrage, and medical science. She was the first woman to pass the Mississippi medical board exam, becoming the first woman to be licensed to practice medicine in that state. Additionally, after she moved from Mississippi to New York, she was the first black woman to practice medicine in Nassau County, NY. With her eventual move to Brooklyn, NY, she became president of the Equal Suffrage League, championing the importance of a woman having the right to vote as analogous to her belief in the role of women (especially of color) in medical science. These beliefs were subsequently reflected in her role of director of mother’s clubs in the National Association of Colored Women and leader of the Association for the Protection of Colored Women. The establishment of Lincoln Settlement House, which offered childcare and health services, in 1908 reflected her commitment to helping women in all spheres of life. Jones’ appointment to the Board of Directors of NAACP in 1913 provided a powerful opportunity to advance racial and sociopolitical equity of women of color in society. As a suffragette woman of color, Jones used her high status in medicine to wield immense influence for female equality. 

Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Likewise, Nannee Helen Burroughs (1879-1961) advanced the cause of women’s suffrage through her elevated status as a black church leader and educator. As the founder of the Women’s Convention, a branch of the National Baptists Convention, she grew this women’s organization into the largest body of African American women in the United States from 1900-1947. Therefore, she exerted a powerful impact on the future of women’s suffrage, with the structural support of the Women’s Convention helping her use church as a vehical of advocacy. The Women’s Convention worked with the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) to ensure the racial and gender justice, emphasizing the cause of suffrage.  She also promoted the education of poor African American women, with the establishment of the National Training School of Women that was popular in the first  half of the twentieth century. She also wrote in support of women’s suffrage in Crisis Magazine. Burroughs became an important advocate for women’s suffrage with her tremendous accomplishments within the educational and religious spheres for black women. 

Portrait of Ida B. Wells Burnett.

Ida B. Wells Barnett (1862-1931) was a significant figure, as a dual advocate for racial justice and women’s suffrage. While living in Memphis, TN, she led anti-lynching movements in the press as a noteworthy journalist and newspaper editor. This fervor for eradicating racial violence continued as she wrote for the Chicago Conservator and published The Red Record to highlight activism for anti-lynching. While in Chicago, her activism for gender equality and women’s suffrage grew; in fact, in 1913, Barnett established the first suffrage club for black women in Illinois, the Alpha Suffrage Club for African American women. The Alpha Suffrage Club published newsletters advocating for female suffrage, educated black women in civics, and promoting the merited racial and political equality of women. In addition, Barnett marched in the 1913 suffrage parade in Washington, D.C., with white suffragists to emphasize the universality of women’s suffrage. Furthermore, she co-founded the National Association of Colored Women in 1896 and National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909. This dedication to eradicate racial prejudice and violence and advance the cause of African American women, elevated Barnett to a very prominent role in American society.

1911 Photo of Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin, from her personnel file.

Marie Louise Battineau Baldwin (1863-1952), as a Northern Dakota Turtle Mountain Chippewa, advocated for Native American rights, as well women’s political equality. Augmented by her educational success, as she became the first woman of color to graduate from Washington’s College of Law in 1914, she was a key spokesperson for Native American women and suffrage. In fact, since 1911, she was a prominent suffragette of color, as she met with women across the country and testified before Congress, who married the ends of the suffrage movement with those of the Society of American Indians. She participated in the 1913 suffrage parade in Washington, D.C. that was organized by Alicia Paul, marching with other female lawyers who believed in suffrage. Furthermore, Baldwin was part of the key suffragettes who met with President Woodrow Wilson in 1914 to advocate for the women’s right to vote. As defender of both Native American and women’s rights, Balwin demonstrated the relevance of the Native American voice in achieving socio-political equality for marginalized groups.

Maria de Guadalupe Evangelina López de Lauther was a prominent suffrage activist in the state of California. Her former experience teaching English as a second language at Los Angeles High School and fluency in Spanish allowed her to become a prominent figure in the CA suffrage movement in 1911. From the 1910s, she traveled around the state, speaking about women’s suffrage in both Spanish and English, organizing rallies, and acting as a translator for Spanish speaking citizens. In fact, it is assumed that she is the first figure in the state of CA to speak about women’s suffrage in Spanish. Her influence in this regional suffrage movement culminated in her appointment to be a representative for California suffragists in the 1913 women’s suffrage parade in Washington, D.C. Lopez de Lauther manifested great impact in helping California affirm the right for women to vote in 1912, before the greater national ratification of female suffrage in 1920. Her role as a Latina woman created real opportunities to appeal to an electorate that often only spoke Spanish, and embodied the powerful impact of suffragette women of color.

Idár in 1905.

Jovita Idár (1885-1946) was a Latina journalist, activist, and suffragist who promoted the rights of Mexican Americans in Texas, especially Mexican American women. With her family, she organized the First Mexican Congress in 1911, which sought to support the ongoing revolution in Mexico by unifying those across the border in the U.S. with this cause. The First Mexican Congress worked in conjunction with Idár’s mission to eradicate racial prejudice against Mexican Americans in TX, which have previously yielded noteworthy violence, such as lynching. Furthemore, she was the founder and the first president of La Liga Femenil Mexicanista (League of Mexican Women) that was aimed towards asserting the egalitarianism of Mexican women in the socio-political and cultural terms of American society. At the forefront of her advocacy was women’s suffrage; in fact, she wrote in her family’s newspaper, La Crónica, about the necessity of the right to vote for women. The enfranchisement of women was supported and bolstered by Idár, especially after she took over La Crónica in 1914. Idár’s engagement with eradicating racial injustice against Mexican Americans and the political rights of (Mexican American) women allowed her to become an important suffragette of color. 

These women of color did not permit their race to hinder their passion, commitment, and activism for the suffragette cause. In fact, the color of their skin acted as an effective vehicle for social change, as the ends of sociopolitical equality and racial justice were intertwined. Race, as well as gender, amplified the impact that these women made on the future of suffrage. In the centennial of the 19th amendment in 2020, it is more necessary than ever to honor the contributions of these suffragettes of color. 

References:

1. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

2. “Women of Color and the Fight for Women’s Suffrage.” California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls. 2020. https://women.ca.gov/women-of-color-and-the-fight-for-womens-suffrage/

3. “Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin” National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/people/marie-louise-bottineau-baldwin.htm

4. “Zitkala-Ša (Red Bird / Gertrude Simmons Bonnin).” National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/people/zitkala-sa.htm

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.