The 1913 Women's Suffrage Procession: revitalizing the hope for female enfranchisement against all odds

Women suffragists at the head of the parade, marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, with the U.S. Capitol in background, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On March 3, 1913, the Women’s Suffrage Procession manifested a new energy for the suffrage movement, paving the way for the landmark 19th amendment to be passed in Congress. A substantial procession of 8,000 marchers, 9 bands, 4 mounted brigades, and 20 floats gathered on Pennsylvania Avenue to march to the Treasury Building for an allegorical performance demanding necessity of female enfranchisement. Organized by the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), this gathering of women demanding socio-political equality occurred on a strategic day in order to denounce the lack of female representation in the political sphere. These women marched on the same route that the new President, Woodrow Wilson, would undertake the very next day, March 4, en route to his presidential inauguration. The 1913 women’s suffrage procession was expertly planned in order to fall on this exact date, in the presence of lawmakers in Washington, D.C. The chairs of the NAWSA, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, wished to send a provocative message that indicated a new chapter of resistance to gender-based disenfranchisement.

Cover of program for the National American Woman Suffrage Association procession, showing woman, in elaborate attire, with cape, blowing long horn, from which is draped a "votes for women" banner, on decorated horse, with U.S. Capitol in background. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

““The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” ”

A diverse group of women gathered in order to justly demand the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in Congress. Proposed in 1878, this amendment prohibited the denial of enfranchisement, based on gender, and thus exemplified the core philosophy of the women’s suffrage movement. However, this amendment had been stalled for the last 35 years; this reality would not be tolerated anymore by the dedicated suffragists. With elaborate floats, decor, and songs, this procession possessed the intent to make that bold statement in a concrete way. In fact, the procession was designed to present an argument for the validity of female enfranchisement; each section highlighted the distinct accomplishments of the respective participants. There were delegations from states, specific professions (like business or law), and universities. 

Inez Milholland rides Grey Dawn as the herald of the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Harris & Ewing, photographer. Records of the National Woman's Party, Library of Congress

The first sight of the procession was Inez Milholland, dressed in white on top of a white horse named Grey Dawn, represented the ideal of female suffrage. As a prominent lawyer and activist, she represented the New Woman, whose voice would no longer be suppressed by patriarchal, electoral institutions. As the New Women of the 20th century, this generation of women rebelled against the establishment of societal expectations and challenged gender norms in various ways. From dress to behavior, a new wave of change was being realized during the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. This next generation of women pursued female equality, not only in the political and legal sphere, but in all areas of existence. Feminism was on display, as each woman had a specific individual cause that they stood for, in addition to standing together in a collective mission for female enfranchisement while marching down the National Mall. 

“We demand an amendment to the Constitution of the United States enfranchising the women of this country.”

The "Great Demand" float in the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University

The first float, which held the message of the “Great Demand,” represented the newfound commitment and energy that was needed by the suffrage movement to actively achieve their goal. Suffragettes were no longer content with accepting limited voting rights in bits or in one state/jurisdiction; a nationwide enfranchisement was necessary. 

March 3, 1913 photo at the Suffrage Parade, showing marchers (left to right) Mrs. Russell McLennan, Mrs. Althea Taft, Mrs. Lew Bridges, Mrs. Richard Coke Burleson, Alberta Hill and Miss F. Ragsdale. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin.

Suffragettes of color were a prominent feature in the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. More than 40 black women, with their specific state delegations, marched together for a future of political enfranchisement and equality. Leading banners from their sections, they encapsulated a conjoint end of racial justice with achieving the right to vote for women. There were even 25 black students from the Delta Sigma Theta sorority at Howard University, with as many as 6 graduates. Those women, with their respected academic regalia, included prominent suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell. Additionally, Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin, a famous Native American lawyer who advocated for the rights of her people with the Society of American Indians, marched in the procession. Her presence highlighted the relevant role of suffragists of color to re-energizing the women’s suffrage movement. White female suffragists did not only function as important contributors; women of color actively contributed to the health and vitality of this collective cause of suffrage.

Ida B. Wells-Burnett

However, the participation and advocacy of suffragists of color did not function without complications. For example, Ida B.Wells-Burnett, a prominent African American suffrage activist, was denied the opportunity to march at the front of the Illinois delegation like she had originally intended. It is important to remember that she, as a black woman, still faced more barriers to her activism than her white counterparts, who as organizers of this procession relegated her to march at the back of the Illinois delegation. However, Wells-Burnett refused to let the color of her skin dictate the depth of her role in advocating for women's suffrage; eventually, she found a way to march at the front of her delegation. The efforts of Ida B. Wells-Burnett serve as a reminder that racial justice is a conjoint end with women’s suffrage, occupying the same status of importance.

Part of the 1913 Suffrage Parade. The signs read "In The Home,” and "Homemakers.” Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession seemed to have all the components to be successful, but faced unprecedented obstacles. A crowd of 250,000 people, mainly men who arrived in the nation’s capital for the presidential inauguration, formed a physical barrier against the marching procession of women. These spectators blocked the parade route, accosting the women in the street and stopping their forward movement. A physical confrontation resulted within the parade, as the crowd sought to advance their own agenda at the expense of this tightly organized procession of women. Even though the participants on horseback sought to block these individuals, the sheer number of spectators disrupted the women’s march to their destination, the Treasury building. In fact, a sea of hostile, jeering men shouted rude, explicit insults at the women. Harassment, cat-calling, and sexual propositions flew in the face of each woman in the parade as they persisted onward.

The crowd converges on marchers, blocking the parade route during March 3, 1913, suffrage procession, in Washington, District of Columbia. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Yet, the bravery of these women was evident, as many continued on in the face of the vile opposition of the surrounding crowd. Even with tears, and psychological hurt, they persisted without interruption or hesitation. Some even carried banner poles, flags, and hat pins to ward off the attack. Physical unrest was a challenge that would be overcome together, with a collective effort. It was in fact necessary to assert their independent voices, and defend their bodies, when the Capitol Police was unable, or unwilling, to intervene. It was only until U.S. army troops entered the crowd that the spectators disappeared from harassing these women. En route to demanding their right to vote, it is telling that these female participants also had to, in an autonomous manner, affirm their own safety against an opposition that was threatened by their willingness to break traditional patriarchal norms. For these women, giving up was not an option, as there was too much at stake in their quest for socio-political equality.

The crowd surrounds and slows a Red Cross ambulance during the Women's suffrage procession, on March 3, 1913. Dozens of marchers were injured during the march, shoved and tripped by spectators. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession on March 3, 1913, made notable headlines in newspapers around the country. The disruptive unrest of the crowd yielded 100 participants that were eventually hospitalized as a consequence of their involvement in the parade. Therefore, as the public deemed it unfathomable that the police did nothing to stop the blatant disruption of the ongoing procession, scandal ensued. An investigation of the ineffectiveness of the Capitol police commenced in the following days, resulting in the firing of the Washington, D.C. superintendent of police. It is clear that the police did not value this procession, which was threatened by disruptive crowds, as a cause worth protecting.The women of the NAWSA took a stand for themselves, in the face of substantial resistance to their efforts, and did not back down.

Tableau presented by the Women's Suffrage Association, on the U.S. Treasury building steps, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession garnered more attention than the events of the next day, the presidential inauguration. On the same steps of the suffragists occupied, President Wilson was seemingly an afterthought in the shadow of the previous events. The suffragettes, who even suffered injuries to march against the physical barrier of the spectators, took center stage. The procession of these bold suffragettes renewed energy and public attention to their cause of pursuing and realizing the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment and the “Great Demand.” The suffrage movement needed this jolt of energy in order to affirm greater vitality and vigor in its character. This reinvigoration of the suffrage movement thus created powerful momentum, as in the next 7 years, the right to vote for women would be concretely realized in the political and legal sphere. The 19th amendment benefited from the events of March 3, 1913; a newfound spirit that fought for gender egalitarianism in enfranchisement manifested in the actions of these brave women. The women marching in the 1913 procession unequivocally valued a future where the next generations of women would experience socio-political equality.

References: 

1. Taylor, Alan. “The 1913 Women’s Suffrage Parade.” The Atlantic. March 1, 2013. https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2013/03/100-years-ago-the-1913-womens-suffrage-parade/100465/ 

2. “1913 Woman Suffrage Procession.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/articles/woman-suffrage-procession1913.htm 

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The suffragettes of 1880-1890: simultaneously pursuing racial justice alongside the landmark right to vote

First Issue of The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, November 1910. New York: NAACP, 1910.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, 2021 WINTER COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The years between 1880 and 1890 yielded immense progress for achieving the reality of female enfranchisement within a historically male-dominated society. Suffragettes, especially those of color, were able to challenge patriarchal institutions, such as the denial of women’s suffrage, through influential actions based on philosophies of gender, racial, and social justice. The conjoint nature of this activism not only cultivated hope in the suffrage movement for women of color, but also in the greater movement to assert rights that are denied on the basis of one's identity. These rights were traditionally marginalized in a socioeconomic and political context and held as the standard in both cultural, social, and legal norms. Advocating for suffrage, for these women of color, is synonymous with an awareness for intersectionality of identity. The enfranchisement of women would not be truly successful if it did not account for deconstructing structural inequalities that are based in an interconnected identity of race, gender, and other forms of identity. These brave suffragette women of color tackled systemic manners of oppression in American society, such as the denial of female enfranchisement and racism, by using their unique identities to their advantage.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), as a prolific black poet, writer, and  journalist that advocated for the suffrage, and subsequent social equality, of black women. Her commitment to this conjoint gender and racial justice first began with helping slaves escape through the Underground Railroad and publishing anti-slavery journalistic works. Later, during the American Reconstruction Era, she was a prominent activist for civil rights, women’s suffrage, and equitable education opportunities for black citizens. Her advocacy was mainly done through her high status in the literary and journalism world; she is known as the “mother of African American journalism,” and one of the first black writers to popularize Africa American protest poetry. For example, her short story, The Two Offers, was the first short story published by an African American writer. Her ideals of equality and representation in literature extended into her contributions in society; Harper was a co-founder and Vice President of the National Association of Colored Women and member of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Additionally, she was the superintendent of the Colored Section of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Harper, as an extremely accomplished writer and activist, leaves an indelible mark on the history of suffragettes of color. 

Harriet Purvis, Jr. , circa 1874.

Harriet (Hattie) Purvis, Jr. (1839-1904) was also an active supporter of women’s suffrage in the face of societal challenges. While her views on female enfranchisement are relatively unknown, she represented the second generation of black women suffragettes. She was active in the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association and a member of its executive committee in 1884. Furthemore, between 1883-1900, she was also a notable delegate for the National American Woman Suffrage Association due to her work in the state of Pennsylvania. She was also involved, as a superintendent of work among Colored People for the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Purvis, Jr. is an important figure who fought for women’s suffrage, especially for black women, that has been hidden in the corners of history. Her contributions, especially those in Pennsylvania, are intrinsically in need of recognition.

Getrude Bustill Mossell.

Getrude Bustill Mosell (1855-1948) was an active journalist that used her platform to highlight the severity of achieving women’s suffrage, especially for women of color. As a journalist, she wrote about these issues of gender and racial justice in The New York Freedom, one of T. Thomas Fortune’s newspapers. Her first publication, titled “Women’s Suffrage,” in 1865 encouraged women to read about the history of the suffrage movement and previous articles of women’s rights. Encouraging a black, female audience, Mosell used the press as an effective way to appeal and inspire black women to contribute to the suffragist movement. In addition, due to her high journalistic status, she was able to relate to middle class views of housewives who were feminists and encourage them to advocate for female enfranchisement. Mosell, through the black press, sought to appeal to demographics that were relational to her intersectional identity of a black female journalist, in order to garner more support for the suffragist movement. 

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, 1902.

Jospehine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) was a major figure in the advancement of women’s enfranchisement in the state of Massachusetts. Also beginning as a journalist, she joined in the work of the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and later became affiliated with the American Woman Suffrage Association. In fact, in 1895, she convened the first conference of the National Federation of Afro-American Women, which was probably the first national organization of black women, in Boston. Ruffin was an unequivocal leader in the black women’s club movement, which united black women under the cause of female enfranchisement. She wrote in her black woman’s newspaper, The Women’s Era, utilizing her previous journalistic experience for the progress of women’s rights. In Massachusetts, she urged white women to join with black women to advance the suffragist cause. However, her efforts to unite black and white women’s clubs (and thus combat racial inequalities) were not extremely successful; she experienced discrimination at the Convetion of General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1900. Nevertheless, Ruffin persisted in her cause of combatting societal institutions such as female disenfranchisement, and realizing the deconstruction of gender and racial injustices.

Josephine Bruce.

Josephine Bruce (1853-1923), was a prominent activist for women’s rights and suffragists in the Washington, D.C. area. With her husband, Representative Blanche K. Bruce, the first U.S. Senator from Mississippi during the Reconstruction Era, Bruce’s influence in the D.C. area was extremely noticeable and impactful. She was a charter member of the Colored Women’s League of D.C. and helped organize the National Organization of Afro-American Women in 1894. Moreover, she headed over the national executive committee of the National Association of Colored Women and was the editor of its publication, Notes. Drawing on journalism as an effective medium of advocating for the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for women (especially of color), Bruce often published articles in Crisis Magazine and In the Voice of the Negro. She also served as the editor of the magazine for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, after becoming involved in the organization. Concerned by the evident inequality for women of color in American society, Bruce took action, writing for the necessity of women’s rights and suffrage, and reached a far audience due to her high status in our nation’s capital.

Anna J. Cooper, Oberlin College.

Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964), as part of a rich tradition of black writers and intellectuals in the Washington, D.C. area, was a fervent advocate for black feminism and self determination within the women’s suffrage movement. As teacher and principal at the famous M. Street High School in Washington D.C., she became an esteemed clubwoman and social activist who was greatly admired for her belief that the status of black women was central to the progress of the nation. With her influence in the nation’s capital, she also served as a mentor for other suffrage activists, such as Angelina Grimke and Nannie Helen Burroughs. Furthermore, her book, A Voice in the South in 1882, promotes the notion that black women could empower themselves, and have innate capacities for self determination, through education and social uplift. Cooper, with her high status as a writer, used her platform to highlight the necessity of guaranteeing a future in American society where black women were enfranchised and inherently valued.

Susette La Flasche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) Courtesy of Nebraska State Historical Society.

Susette La Flesche Tibbles (1854-1903), or “Bright Eyes,” was a prominent Native American activist and suffragist that advocated for Native American rights in the face of barriers created by U.S. federal policy. She is best known for embarking on a series of nationwide and international speaking tours, which were widely successful, to document the adversity faced by Native Americans in American society. Her wish to promote equality for Native Americans in society also extended to the socio-political realm, as she became a staunch advocate for women’s suffrage, especially that of Native American women. Tibbles also served as an expert witness and interpreter in court for Native Americans who wished to sue the government due to various types of grievances. In fact, she served as an interpreter for Standing Bear, who sued the federal government in 1879 and acquired a ruling that allowed Native Americans to choose where they want to live. Tibble’s testimonies about the lack of Native American rights in front of Congress eventually led to the landmark 1887 Dawes Act. “Bright Eyes” was a notable advocate for an intersectional equality of gender, in relation to female enfranchisement, and socio-political Native American rights. 

Adella Hunt Logan.

Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), as a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, made philosophical contributions to rationalizing why black women deserve the right to vote. As a charter member of the Tuskegee Women’s Club and lecturer for conferences at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, she combined white suffrage rationale with black women’s suffrage to amplify its effects and overall message. This philosophy gained traction in the black women’s suffrage movement, especially as Logan published these ideas in prominent magazines such as Colored American and Crisis. Attacking anti-suffrage movements, she augmented her justification for female enfranchisement with an unequivocally potent rationale; the right to vote for black women would be a undeniable form of protection against rape and sexual abuse for them. Gaining national attention, her arguments for the enfranchisement of black women included core tenets form Mary Ann Shadd Cady, Frances E.W. Harper, and Sojourner Truth. Additionally, she staged lantern slide nights and organized suffrage parades for women’s club members at the beginning of President William McKinely’s re-election parade. Logan used her unique intellectual basis of activism to the advantage of advancing the cause of suffrage, especially for African American women. 

The movement of women’s suffrage was not solely for the purpose of obtaining the right to vote; it was a greater mission for achieving equality and recognition for their valuable character and contributions as women of color in a society that had acted often against their best interests. From the decade of 1880-1890, suffragette women persisted in their efforts to achieve this comprehensive equality for the present and future generations. 

References:

1. Rothberg, Emma.“Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”).” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/susette-la-flesche-tibbles-bright-eyes 

2. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

Chinese suffragette women: A personal return to my Chinese identity

Photo of Mabel Ping Hua-Lee, courtesy of the New York Tribune.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

Power in Place, through its digital Time capsule, is highlighting women of color who have played a prominent role in the American suffragist movement. My research highlights the important work of suffragette women of color, who have often been overlooked in history. Furthermore, their racial identity connects with my own personal identity as a Chinese-American female. Suffragette women of color, some with the same Chinese heritage as I, fought for socio-political equality in American society. In distinct stages, I reflect on the potency of this research in uncovering certain areas of history, as well as my personal impact of learning that these important suffragettes, especially those of Chinese descent, were prominent women of color.

12/14/2020: 

Today I am starting my research on women of color who have contributed to the suffrage movement in the United States. It is interesting that in the last month of the centennial of the year where women actualized their right to vote, I have started this project. Especially as America itself is battling COVID-19 and trying to heal from structural racism. Yet, I am beginning my research with the genuine intention of connecting my personal identity with this project that Power in Place has begun with the digital Time Capsule. 

I have two Chinese immigrant parents, who have tried their utmost to instill in myself a sense of pride of my cultural heritage. My mother speaks to me in Chinese, and I have spent many summers deep in the rice terraces of southern China. Yet, I have vehemently tried to deny this part of myself, as it seemed my New Jersey roots have taken precedence over this part of personal identity. I fail to speak Chinese on a regular basis, and have replaced my passion for my cultural heritage with my academic pursuit of French. However, this part of myself has not disappeared, but rather remains in an embedded complex personal identity that I embody. Sometimes, I take pride in my Chinese heritage, but more often than not, I feel shame and embarrassment as I stumble in my Chinese vocabulary or stay silent as I hear microaggressions directed at me. Each day, I try to reconcile the two distinct cultural identities I have within myself in a society that deems whiteness as the standard. Even as I write, I feel a weight in my heart as I ponder my racial and cultural identity. As a result, I am intrigued at what personal connections I will find in my quest to highlight suffragettes of color There seems to be a natural connection between me, a woman of color interested in politics, and the work done by these women in the past. I am very hopeful and grateful for the opportunity to connect my personal heritage with women that have never been mentioned in my experiences, academic or personal.  

History, as it is known, has its hidden voices and the undertones of the women’s suffrage movement is not any different. I am looking forward to a sort of “decolonization” and de-centering of the white perspective in the American suffrage movement. It is not fair to “whitewash” this critical achievement in electoral politics and feminist history, as many figures, especially women of color, have contributed to this incredible movement. To do so perpetuates white cultural hegemony and systemic racism, which in turns manifests itself in heart-breaking moments such as the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Let’s celebrate all women, in the context of the transformative, and eye-opening, year of 2020. Women, especially women of color, have hope; as young girls with skin like mine see the potential for them to become Vice President (like Kamala Harris), engineers, lawyers, or epidemiologists, an optimistic future for them remains. As a result, I see a present where deconstructing the hidden inequities of history is pertinent to the next generations of innovators and activists. I hope to discover women who inspire me, and others, with their past creativity, innovation, and change. 

12/16/2020:

Jovita Idár with colleagues in 1914 in the newsroom of El Progreso in Laredo, TX. Her journalistic efforts advocated for women’s suffrage, especially that of Mexican American women.

After researching women of color who contributed to the suffrage movement during 1910-1920, I am so glad that I took on this project. Perhaps it is due to a lack of education about the general suffrage movement as a whole, or the prevalence of being only taught about white women within the suffrage movement, but I have learned so much in the past 2 days in my research. It was astounding to see the amount of women of color involved in this movement for suffrage; however, it was additionally extraordinary that those women were also pioneers in their own respective pursuits. For example, Verina Morton Jones, as a black woman, was the first woman to pass the Mississippi medical board exam and practice in the state while the journalistic work of Jovita Idár inspired the advocacy of suffrage for Mexican American women and the general future of Mexican Americans in America. These women, were simultaneously lawyers, journalists, church leaders, and doctors as well as active suffragists. Their efforts exemplify the concrete testament of the power of women and their incredible capacity for accomplishments that are historically (and presently) only allocated to men. Each woman was able to combine their hope for suffrage with ends that were interconnected to political equality, either racial justice, social justice, or education.

In my opinion, the conjoint ends of racial and social justice, as well as socio-political equality, with women’s suffrage makes the movement for suffrage a potent force for societal change. When many of the main suffragettes in this movement are women of color, their activism is intersectional with their unique identities. This synthesis of each woman's identity with their activism indicates the importance of highlighting their work, instead of letting history conceal their merited achievements. Highlighting two specific suffragettes of color is especially important to me, due to my personal connection with them. As a Chinese American, I did not expect to find any suffragettes who were also of Asian descent. However, the exemplary efforts of Mabel Ping-Hua Lee (1897-1966) and Tye Leung Schuzle (1887-1972) have impacted the manner I see my Chinese heritage. These women, who resemble myself, did not let their racial identity diminish the potency of their political activism.

Mabel Ping Hua-Lee married her activism for female suffrage with the concurrent advocacy for the rights of Chinese Americans in a society that is openly discriminatory against them, vis-à-vis the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. As the first Chinese woman in the U.S. to earn a Ph.d degree from Columbia University, Hua-Lee sought to bring her Chinese perspective to her assertion that women must have equal rights in the political sphere. In fact, in 1912, she met white suffrage leaders, like Anna Howard Shaw and Harriet Ludlow, in New York City, to speak about the enfranchisement of women (on a provincial) level in China and its application to the state of female voting rights in America. She was asked to participate, and help organize, the women’s suffrage parade in 1913; it is clear that as she marched in that parade, there was a distinct Asian-American voice in the suffragist movement. In reason of her intersectional, Chinese identity, Hua-Lee often wrote to China, with her involvement in Chinese Students Monthly, while providing valuable contributions to asserting women’s rights in the United States.

Tye Leung Schulze, Courtesy of the Los Angeles Public Library.

Likewise, Tye Leung Schuzle also had an active role in the suffrage movement as an activist of Chinese descent. In 1910, she became the first Chinese-American woman to work for the federal government as an interpreter for detained Chinese immigrants at the Angel Island Immigration Center in San Francisco, CA. She became a model of what women’s suffrage movement could manifest, on the national level, as she became the first Chinese American Woman to cast a ballot in the U.S. election after women were enfranchised in California in 1912. Additionally, Schuzle’s work in her early career as an interpreter in the Pystebreterian Mission House was directed at helping vulnerable Chinese women against sex trafficking. Her entire life was aimed towards asserting the intersectional rights that are marginalized in terms of gender and race, as she worked to ensure the sociopolitical equality of Chinese American women in the U.S. Her role in the suffrage movement, like Mabel Ping Hua-Lee, demonstrates how the prominence of Chinese suffragists are often overlooked in history.

As a result of researching these suffragettes of color, I have formed a personal connection with these extraordinary women. Especially in reference to Mabel Ping Hua-Lee and Tye Leung Schuzle, I feel more pride in my identity as a Chinese-American woman. It was surprising, but refreshing, to learn about the active roles that Chinese women had in the suffrage movement. It certainly assures me on a deeper level, that I, as a Chinese American woman, unequivocally belong in this country. It is possible for a Chinese American woman to affect political and societal change, which is what I hope to do in my future. These women have inspired me to consider my Chinese, female identity as a force for overarching social change. 

 Furthermore, I have learned that an intersectionality of gender and race is a strength that augments the potency of one’s cause (in this case, female suffrage), instead of a detriment. While this intersectionality indicates the various ways that one’s identity can be oppressed, more distinct methods that one can push back against those instances of marginalization appear. Especially on an institutional level, the recognition and utilization of an intersectional identity can work to eradicate structural issues, like the existence of white cultural hegemony in the stories we tell. Recognizing female voices of color allows for a more comprehensive examination and understanding of history. Such as in the movement of women’s suffrage, especially in the years of 1910-1920, uncovering the achievements of women of color in contributing to the actualization of their right to vote is a valuable addition to society. Now, we do not conceal these previously hidden voices and actions, thus elevating their importance  in the grand narratives of history. In the year 2020, the centennial of realizing a woman’s right to vote, it is essential to give enough the merited credit to these incredible women. 

References: 

1. Alexander, Kerri Lee. “Mabel Ping Hua-Lee.” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/mabel-ping-hua-lee.

2. “Tye Leung Schulze.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/people/tye-leung-schulze.htm 

3. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

4. “Women of Color and the Fight for Women’s Suffrage.” California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls. 2020. https://women.ca.gov/women-of-color-and-the-fight-for-womens-suffrage/

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.