Roadblocks: Barriers Deterring Women from Running

Photo Courtesy of Brit + Co

By: Sophia Walker, Summer 2021 Collaborator at Power in Place

A question often raised regarding women in politics is: why don’t more women run for office? Or, they can run, so why don't they? While these questions are fundamental to ask, they don’t capture the whole picture of politics and women. Women are continuing to increase their representation in politics, but there are still barriers that work against them. The obstacles they face are societal in some cases and physical in others. 

The most prominent societal barrier is patriarchy. In essence, the patriarchy labels men as better even if they have the same qualifications as a woman. Women are seen as less experienced or of lesser quality because of this view. On a day-to-day basis, that perception gets highlighted in different realms. When it comes to politics, it will deter women from running [5]. While men might receive articles on their policy, women are likely to be subject to scrutiny. That may come in the form of questioning policy choices or decisions but is more likely focused on fashion choices or a new haircut. The trivial things women get placed under a microscope for are never brought up concerning men [4]. A man does not have to worry about being labeled too emotional or rude based on tone. The barrier of patriarchy continues to make women think twice about running. They have to consider if they want to be perceived that way in the media—hindrance men do not have to consider. 

In addition, women still don’t receive the same educational opportunities. It may seem that when girls and boys go to school, they are in the same classes. While they might physically be in the same room, teachers often undervalue the abilities of female students compared to male students. That occurrence gets heightened further when it comes to mathematics or other STEM subjects [3]. Education inequality is apparent in younger children but also in higher education. Women often are told which majors they will or will not succeed at based on their gender [1]. The unequal opportunity of education affects women in politics by making them feel that they do not belong in that educational realm.

Another factor affecting women when deciding to run is the lack of respect for caregiving in our society. Women often take care of children, a family member, or a spouse while having another job. Caregiving often takes the same amount of energy and time as a job, doubling the workload [5]. While a man does not typically have the same quantity of responsibilities, women are instantly a step behind a man. In politics, women can receive shame for taking time off to stay at home or taking care of a parent. Those factors combine to make a woman less likely to run because of these additional responsibilities.

Specifically to children, women with a career get perceived as trying to have it all. Or, a woman who takes time off to be with a child will get designated as someone who doesn’t care about her job. In politics, a woman running may be shown as not giving her children enough attention. Whether on the campaign trail or while in office, women face the double standard of being a mom and having a career. The view on children and having a career makes women think again about if running is a good decision for them. 

The blocks described are common to all women but are detrimental to getting more women into politics. While the situation might seem bleak and the barriers insurmountable, current women representatives continue to show that the barriers are not a reason to stop fighting. One prime example comes from Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. When her male counterparts commented on her, using derogatory terms and sexism, she took that moment to stand up for herself. She not only mentioned that incident but the roadblocks many women face [2]. While just one example, women representatives are continuing to make their voices heard more than ever before. With more women representative role models in place, I hope more women begin to run for office.

1. Boschma, Janie, and Ellen Weinstein. “Why Women Don't Run for Office.” POLITICO, Politico, 12 June 2017, www.politico.com/interactives/2017/women-rule-politics-graphic/. 

2. Broadwater, Luke, and Catie Edmondson. “A.O.C. Unleashes a Viral Condemnation of Sexism in Congress.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 24 July 2020, www.nytimes.com/2020/07/23/us/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-sexism-congress.html. 

3. Cimpian, Joseph. “How Our Education System Undermines Gender Equity.” Brookings, Brookings Institute, 23 Apr. 2018, www.brookings.edu/blog/brown-center-chalkboard/2018/04/23/how-our-education-system-undermines-gender-equity/. 

4. McGregor, Jena. “Why More Women Don't Run for Office.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 23 Apr. 2019, www.washingtonpost.com/news/on-leadership/wp/2014/05/21/why-more-women-dont-run-for-office/. 

5. White, Jeremy B., et al. “What Are the Biggest Problems Women Face Today?” POLITICO Magazine, Politico Magazine, 8 Mar. 2019, www.politico.com/magazine/story/2019/03/08/women-biggest-problems-international-womens-day-225698/. 

Sophia Walker is a rising senior at Drake University. She is a double major in Law, Politics and Society and Sociology with a minor in Marketing. Sophia has a passion for social justice and women’s rights. On campus, Sophia is part of the Drake Dems and the Roosevelt Institute. She is also a CASA volunteer in her free time.

Muslim Women in Politics: Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar

Written by Phoenix Mintus

In 2018, Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar made history as the first Muslim women to be elected to Congress. This was an important first step in United States history to more Muslim representation in politics. Since then, both women have made tremendous progress in promoting bills that advocate for better education systems, healthcare for all, and immigration reform.

Rashida Tlaib

Photo: tlaib.house.gov

Before Rashida Tlaib served in the House of Representatives, representing Michigan’s 13th district, she lived in Michigan and proudly stood up for her community. She was born and raised in Detroit by her Palestinian parents, and she was the first person in her family to attend college. She went on to law school and attended while simultaneously working for different nonprofits and social justice organizations. Before she was in office, Tlaib worked as an attorney at the Sugar Law Center for Economic and Social Justice, fighting racism and abusive state agencies in Michigan.

In 2008, Rashida Tlaib was the first Muslim woman elected to the Michigan House of Representatives. During her six years in office, she made important efforts to secure funding for free healthcare clinics and before and after school childcare. She also ensured there was funding for the Meals on Wheels programs for seniors.

Though Rashida Tlaib is well-known for her successes in sessions of Congress, she has also done campaign work in her own home district. She organized the We Have A Right to Breathe campaign when she realized that semi-trucks were causing pollution in her hometown. Before the campaign, the town had a problem with semi-trucks polluting the neighborhood, causing piles of black dust to fall in the rivers and homes, making it unsafe for Detroit residents. After the Michigan Department of Environmental Equality refused to take action, Rashida Tlaib collected samples of the black dust and got it tested. It turned out that the substance was petroleum coke, which is a chemical that causes cancer. After this discovery, environmental efforts were put in place to stop pollution, and Tlaib’s campaign work helped save the neighborhood.

Rashida Tlaib’s efforts in helping families out of poverty and providing environmental justice for residents living in manufacturing-heavy areas have improved many lives. She continues to make history and uplift people’s lives throughout her time in office through her hard work and successes.

Ilhan Omar

Photo: theguardian.com

Ilhan Omar was born in Mogadishu, Somalia in 1982, and fled the country in 1991 due to the Somali Civil War that was occurring at the time. Her family took sanctuary in a Kenyan refugee camp for four years. At age twelve, Ilhan Omar and her family moved to the United States, and she became a United States citizen in 2000. She grew a love for politics while she was an interpreter for her grandfather at the Democratic Party Caucuses. In 2011, Omar graduated from North Dakota State University with degrees in International Studies and Political Science.

In 2012, Ilhan Omar made impressive efforts by organizing the Vote No Twice campaign. This initiative was targeted towards defeating a voter suppression initiative and another bill that attempted to ban gay marriage throughout Minnesota. Thanks to her efforts, the campaign was successful, and voters do not need to present a photo ID to vote in Minnesota and gay marriage remains legal throughout the state.

In 2016, Ilhan Omar’s time in office began when she was elected to the Minnesota House of Representatives. During her time in office, she made important efforts and increased voter turnout in Minneapolis and throughout the state of Minnesota. In 2018, she was elected to the United States House of Representatives, and she made many firsts. She was the first Somali-American, first naturalized citizen from Africa, the first non-white woman elected from Minnesota, and one of the first Muslim women to serve in Congress. In her first year in office, she made many accomplishments, including cofounding the Black Maternal Health Caucus and the Emergency Taskforce on Black Youth Suicide and Mental Health. She was elected Vice President of the Medicare for All Caucus and led many discussions on the importance of the United States becoming a leader in peace and diplomacy in foreign policy. Throughout her time as a Congresswoman, Omar has stressed the importance of funding education for both K-12 and higher education programs, and creating a just immigration system by creating an attainable citizenship program for undocumented immigrants living in the United States.

Ilhan Omar’s work towards promoting voter rights and immigration reform have led to great successes for people in the United States. She continues to promote justice and equality throughout her time as a United States congresswoman. We can’t wait to see what she does next!

References:

1. About. (2021, March 01). Retrieved from https://tlaib.house.gov/about

2. Arts, U. (2012, October 22). Vote No Twice. Retrieved from https://www.upstreamarts.org/2012/10/22/vote-no-twice/

3. Classicalycourt. (2018, November 07). Meet Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar, the first Muslim women elected to Congress. Retrieved from https://www.cnbc.com/2018/11/07/rashida-tlaib-ilhan-omar-are-the-1st-muslim-women-elected-to-congress.html

4. Meet Ilhan. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ilhanomar.com/about/

5. Meet Rashida. (2021, January 07). Retrieved from https://rashidaforcongress.com/meet-rashida/

Phoenix Mintus is an incoming sophomore student at Denison University. He is majoring in Communications and Public Affairs. He is passionate about LGBTQ+ rights and women’s rights. He enjoys reading, writing, and learning new things everyday. On campus, he plans to volunteer and join the student newspaper.

The Missing Calls: Reflections on IPV during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Photo: coalitionagainstdomesticviolence.org

BY: JULIA PRICE & OLIVIA WISBEY, SUMMER 2021 COLLABORATORS AT POWER IN PLACE

As many states begin to reopen this summer, ditching masks and quarantine protocols can almost make it feel as though the pandemic was a mere blip in many of our lives. Nevertheless, the victims of this devastating pandemic–especially the victims that have suffered silently behind quarantine’s closed doors–must not be left out of the narrative. Intimate partner violence in particular, sometimes interchangeably termed domestic violence and abuse, has been exacerbated by COVID-19 as a skyrocketing number of individuals–prominently women–have faced IPV in these new circumstances. Due to the pandemic’s creation of inescapable quarantine spaces, inaccessible healthcare, and a widening of the gender poverty gap, many experts in the field reported a terrifying uptake in IPV over the course of the pandemic. 

While quarantine was essential to slowing the spread of the novel coronavirus, mandated quarantine has had a number of negative social and psychological consequences. One tragic consequence has been the social isolation and increased violence faced by victims of IPV.  Stay-at-home orders forced uninterrupted time at home, and many abuse hotlines noted a staggering decrease in calls by roughly 50% since the pandemic started [1]. The missing calls were not treated as any victory, for there was no sign that IPV itself had abated: rather, it was increasingly clear that women were struggling to make safe calls to social services as their abusers monitored their every move. Furthermore, as healthcare offices closed their doors to the public and opted for Telehealth, healthcare professionals lost additional opportunities to identify victims of IPV and report such abuse to authorities. Mandated reporters are imperative to fight against instances of intimate partner violence, because most of those who experience IPV will not seek help at first on their own. Without any access to healthcare professionals and services, many women amidst the pandemic lost their only lifeline.  

Despite the missing calls, it became increasingly clear that the breakdown of support networks for IPV victims had resulted in domestic violence rising to levels far higher than seen in typical years. According to the American Journal of Emergency Medicine, “police departments report[ed] increases in cities around the county: for example, 18% in San Antonio, 22% in Portland, Ore.; and 10% in New York City” [2]. It must also be noted that although the increase in IPV has affected all people, the percentage of violence has been particularly high for those most marginalized. For example, while only a third of white women reported experiencing IPV during the pandemic, “the rates of abuse increased dramatically to about 50% and higher for those marginalized by race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, citizenship status, and cognitive physical ability” [2]. Undocumented women in particular, who have dealt with extreme economic hardship and a lack of access to social services, have faced some of the most extreme violence during the pandemic [3].

One of the ways in which women can escape situations of IPV is by acquiring economic independence. However, this is no simple task. Our patriarchal society tends to force women into situations of economic precarity. A major contributing factor to this feminized poverty is that “reproductive labor”–such as raising children, cooking, and maintaining the household–is completely unpaid (albeit highly necessary!) labor. While women typically spend hours of their day completing this unpaid reproductive labor, it has traditionally been socially acceptable for men to avoid reproductive labor and instead increase their economic power. This gender poverty gap has only worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic. When childcare centers and schools closed their doors, women were often forced to quit their jobs and assume full childcare responsibilities. As a result, women’s economic independence plummeted this past year. By May 2021, “56 percent of American women [were] working for pay, the lowest level since 1986” [4]. This drastic loss of economic independence, in addition to considerably decelerating women’s gains in the paid labor force, has also ultimately worsened the livelihoods of women attempting to escape situations of IPV. 

As we emerge from quarantine, we must ensure that we do not forget this silent pandemic of intimate partner violence. Although the increase in IPV has often occurred behind closed doors, its effect will be felt for years to come. It is imperative to both raise awareness to the issue and to also call on our legislators to make serious changes to policies to better serve those who experience IPV. As more and more resources are funnelled into pandemic relief, there must also be significant funding allocated to programs and services that support victims of IPV. Only an increase in public advocacy and funding will assure that victims of IPV have continued access to support services in all circumstances. 

References: 

1. Evans, Megan et al.  “A Pandemic within a Pandemic — Intimate Partner Violence during Covid-19.” NEJM. December 10, 2020. https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp2024046.

2. Kluger, Jeffrey. “Domestic Violence and COVID-19: The Pandemic Within the Pandemic.” Time. February, 3 2021. https://time.com/5928539/domestic-violence-covid-19/.

3. Sabri, Bushra et al. “Effect of COVID-19 pandemic on women's health and safety: A study of immigrant survivors of intimate partner violence.” Health care for women international vol. 41,11-12 (2020): 1294-1312. doi:10.1080/07399332.2020.1833012

4. Cain Miller, Claire. “The Pandemic Created a Child-Care Crisis. Mothers Bore the Burden.” The New York Times. May 17,  2021. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2021/05/17/upshot/women-workforce-employment-covid.html.

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Julia Price is a rising junior at Middlebury College majoring in International and Global Studies and minoring in linguistics. She is interested in feminism and reproductive justice. She also enjoys narrative podcasts, language learning, and intramural soccer. 

Olivia Wisbey is a rising senior at Colgate University pursuing a double major in English literature and political science. She is interested in feminism, environmentalism, and the ways in which fiction can be a medium of advocacy for issues of social justice. On campus, Olivia is a writing center consultant and is involved with the Colgate Center for Outreach, Volunteerism and Education.

Transgender Women Belong in Women's Sports

Photo: stitoday.com

BY: EMMA LEV AND PHOENIX MINTUS, SUMMER 2021 COLLABORATORS AT POWER IN PLACE

June is known throughout the United States as Pride Month. All throughout the country, LGBTQ+ people celebrate their identities through parades and other gatherings. Over time, it seemed as if LGBTQ+ acceptance by society was making progress. More and more corporations change their logos to rainbow versions for June and many have even come out with pride collections. However, these past few months have been a nightmare for transgender people in the United States as anti-trans bills have been passed in many states. A particularly troubling bill was passed in Florida, which proposes banning transgender women from women’s sports, to the extent of recommending “genital checks” on female athletes.

The “Fairness in Women’s Sports Act” was signed into law by Florida governor Ron DeSantos on June 1st, a shocking start to Pride Month. The bill enacts a statewide ban on transgender female athletes from all levels of sports. If a student is suspected of being a transgender female, this bill would allow schools to “check” if this is true through physical examinations, genetic testing, or measuring testosterone levels. However, these methods were tried in the past as international policy in the Olympics and have proven to be controversial or ineffective. Genital checks had to be replaced due to widespread complaints of its invasiveness. The testing of chromosomes is problematic because it excludes a variety of intersex athletes, including women born with both X and Y chromosomes. The latter group of women are androgen insensitive, and gain no competitive advantage from their natural testosterone. So these methods of “testing” whether a girl is transgender may hurt cisgender and transgender girls alike.

Along with the destructive language of the bill, the suggestion that schools should be allowed to perform “physical examinations” on students suspected of being transgender is disturbing. The act of suspecting and “guessing” one’s sex at birth is inappropriate itself, but forcing students to having their genitals examined is inhumane. No one should ever be put in that situation, regardless of the circumstances. This also may cause female athletes to be unnecessarily exposed to adults and exploited by predators, especially by putting already marginalized transgender girls in further danger.

Lawmakers who supported the bill argued that it was not meant to be discriminatory, but instead intended to protect female athletes. But the very language of this bill is significantly harmful to the transgender community. A quote from this act states that this bill “maintains opportunities for female athletes.” These very words suggest that transgender women are not real women, a degrading and damaging statement to transgender women around the world.

What most people do not understand is that the transgender community has been harmed time and time again simply by living in an unaccepting world and being met with hate in their everyday lives. As a transgender man, I, Phoenix, have had my fair share of hate comments, especially from people on the internet who have never met me in real life. I’ve had to private my social media accounts or turn off comments whenever I post because I’ve chosen to be publicly out on my platforms. I even have close friends, best friends, that refuse to use my preferred name. Myself and other members of the transgender community have faced so much pressure and pushback from people who don’t even know us, and this bill will provide people with another excuse to justify their own personal biases against the LGBTQ+ community.

The truth is that transgender women belong in sports. Transgender women are real women, and they deserve the chance to participate in group activities and learn teambuilding skills just like everyone else. Sports are so much more than just a game. They offer people opportunities to make friends, learn how to work together, and get some exercise. Denying someone the opportunity to participate based on the body they were born in is unfair and insensitive to transgender students, and we must do everything we can to oppose and challenge this legislation.

The Human Rights Campaign has recently announced that they plan to sue the Florida governor in court for passing this legislation. Their president, Alphonso David, made a statement:

“Gov. DeSantis and Florida lawmakers are legislating based on a false, discriminatory premise that puts the safety and well-being of transgender children on the line. Transgender kids are kids; transgender girls are girls. Like all children, they deserve the opportunity to play sports with their friends and be a part of a team. Transgender youth must not be deprived of the opportunity to learn important skills of sportsmanship, healthy competition, and teamwork.”

The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) has also defended transgender female athletes, stating that most people’s assumptions about transgender women competing on women’s sports teams are based on bias, not fact. They explained this statement as “the assumption that all male-bodied people are taller, stronger, and more highly skilled in a sport than all female-bodied people is not accurate.” The NCAA plans to withdraw its events from states that contain anti-transgender legislation.

With the help of the Human Rights Campaign and the support of the NCAA, activists and lawmakers are working to take down this bill to protect transgender youth and the rights of the LGBTQ+ community.

References:

[1] Carter, Ashleigh. “Florida Anti-Trans Bill Could Require ‘Genital Inspections’ Of Students.” NowThis News, 16 Apr. 2021, nowthisnews.com/news/florida-anti-trans-bill-could-require-genital-inspections-of-students. 

[2] Chen, Victoria. “Ethical Issues Concerning Transgender Athletes.” Penn Bioethics Journal, vol. 14, no. 1, Fall 2018, pp. 15–18.

[3] TheAdvocateMag. “Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis Signs Anti-Trans Bill in Time for Pride.” ADVOCATE, Advocate.com, 1 June 2021, www.advocate.com/transgender/2021/6/01/florida-gov-ron-desantis-signs-anti-trans-bill-time-pride.

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Phoenix Mintus is an incoming sophomore student at Denison University. He is majoring in Communications and Public Affairs. He is passionate about LGBTQ+ rights and women’s rights. He enjoys reading, writing, and learning new things everyday. On campus, he plans to volunteer and join the student newspaper.

Emma Lev is a rising sophomore at the University of Texas at Austin, majoring in English with a certificate in Creative Writing. She enjoys writing short stories, reading books, and drawing in her free time, but her career aspirations lie in editing. She is passionate about feminism, social issues and justice, and journalism.

The Depth of a Music Genre: Hip Hop Feminism

Time Magazine February 8 1999 Hip Hop Nation

BY: VANSSA CRESPO, SUMMER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

In the Fall of 2020, I took a class called African American Women’s Political Activism because its long but descriptive name called my attention. It sounded like a niche topic and was offered only this one time by my university. This class didn’t disappoint. Not only did we discuss delicate topics such as mass incarceration, domestic violence, and health disparities, but I was also introduced to several new feminist theories that I wasn’t previously aware of. Although the name of the course includes “women,” it looked at a larger picture to understand the societal oppression of the Afro-American community as a whole rather than exclusively one group. Of course, we explored these stories through the perspectives of women and Black feminist thought.

And as if the course wasn’t interesting enough, we had a lecture on Hip Hop Feminism . . . Say what? I didn’t know this was a thing, but as with many cultural and social movements, we find sub-groups that use their own approach to communicate with a wider audience. A term coined by Joan Morgan, Hip Hop Feminism recognizes the marginalization and objectification of women in the music genre, but it utilizes it as a source to empower and uplift women. The genre is known to talk about the lived experience of Black and Latino youth in the face of economic, social, and racial discrimination. So Hip Hop Feminism takes this basic concept and embraces it with the goal of reaching a younger generation of women. Although the typical Hip Hop as we know it may contain problematic female stereotypes, Hip Hop feminists believe there’s a potential to create a place of self-identification for women both racially and sexually. Doctor Whitney A. People states in her article “Identifying Foundations of Hip-Hop Feminism” that, “hip-hop is a also a site where young Black women begin to build or further develop their own gender critique and feminist identity, which they can then turn toward the misogyny of rap music”. Despite the sexism found in this music genre, Hip Hop feminists’ goal is to expand the genre's scope in order to start the conversation on women’s issues, especially women of color. This sub-group emerged from the backlash of the second-wave feminism failure to address intersectionality and white elitist feminists excluding minorities from the mainstream movement. We can look at Hip Hop Feminism as a byproduct of Third Wave feminism which focused on issues like sexual harassment – spurred by the testimony of Anita Hill – the liberation of women of color, the eradication of homophobia, and dismantling white feminist elitism and Black sexism. Some examples of artists in this niche group are Lauryn Hill (my personal favorite), Salt-N-Pepa, and contemporary artist and activist Toni Blackman.

Lauryn Hill’s album “The Miseducation of Lauryn Hill'' might be the most recognized work of Hip Hop feminism. Hill touched on topics like motherhood in “To Zion”, about heartbreak in “The Ex-Factor”, sexuality in “Do Woop”, poverty in “The Final Hour”, faith in “I Used to Love Him”, and many other topics explored in Hip Hop Feminism. This album is worth listening to because it is a successful attempt to transform the current climate that surrounded the music genre while also empowering women and women of color.  Salt-N-Peppa explored similar topics like sexual freedom in their popular song “Let’s Talk About Sex”, but also gun violence and discrimination. Lastly, Toni Blackman uses hip hop to advocate it as an alternative way of dealing with emotions and personal conflict, and as an educator, Blackman often discusses the intersection of hip hop and mental health. She is also the first hip hop artist selected to serve as a Cultural Ambassador with the U.S. Department of State.

I think that if it wasn’t for this class, I would’ve never discovered the connection between hip hop and feminism. Am I surprised? Well, if I really think about it, activism manifests in multiple ways, through common political discourse, public manifestations, or the arts. But I guess I never thought about the deeper connection of intersectionality and feminism within hip hop. I applaud these artists for taking a music genre like hip hop which oftentimes objectifies women but successfully managed to turn it into space where younger women can celebrate their sexual and racial identities while also addressing wider women’s issues.

References

[1] Peoples, Whitney A. (2008).  “"Under Construction": Identifying Foundations of Hip-Hop Feminism and Exploring Bridges between Black Second-Wave and Hip-Hop Feminisms.” Meridians, 8(1), 19-52.  https://www.jstor.org/stable/40338910. 

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Vanessa Crespo is an upcoming senior at the University of Texas at Austin double majoring in Political Science and Philosophy. She is interested in women’s rights, feminist theory, and Latin American politics. In the future, she is aiming at a career in Law but also sees herself as an advocate of women’s rights and human rights in Latin American.

Who is Karina Villa?

By: Phoenix Mintus, Summer 2021 Collaborator at Power in Place

Serving in the Illinois Senate as the District 25 representative, Karina Villa has made a significant impact in the progression of women’s rights and education legislation in the Illinois legislature. She is a leader and a great role model for young women aspiring to go into politics.

Karina Villa learned about the importance of hard work and determination in her youth. Growing up with her immigrant parents, her family owned a local grocery store in West Chicago. She earned her master’s degree in social work and worked as a school social worker for the West Chicago and Villa Park school systems prior to her work experience in the Illinois legislature.

I remember the day I met Karina Villa. It was a cold winter afternoon, and I was sitting at home working on school work when I heard my doorbell ring. When I answered the door, I saw Karina Villa standing on my front porch. She was campaigning for her position as Illinois state representative in the Illinois House of Representatives, and she wanted to share her platform with us. Considering the weather conditions outside, I could tell that she was very determined and compassionate about her work as a female politician. When she discussed her platform, she talked about the importance of advocating for students with disabilities in the K-12 school system, mentioning that they often get left behind and do not receive the help they need. I was deeply touched as I thought of my twin brother who was diagnosed with ADHD at six years old and faced many problems with attaining his accommodations. Throughout middle school and high school, my parents and the school had to hold several meetings discussing my brother’s Individualized Education Plan, and there were several times when the school stated “we can’t accommodate that.” My parents had to start bringing my brother’s psychologist to the meetings for him to get a chance at getting a teacher’s assistant to help him. It was a very difficult process, so it was inspiring to understand how much her experience working in the West Chicago and Villa Park school systems helped her understand the issues facing students with disabilities.

Beyond the K-12 education system, Karina Villa has raised awareness on the disparities of students who can and cannot receive a college education due to finances. Her platform advocates for state investment in higher education and vocational training in order to make college and trade school available to all. She sees the importance and value of higher education in the futures of the youth and has supported legislation decreasing poverty among college campuses. I hope Karina Villa can be the change needed so my peers who cannot afford college can one day receive their college education and be able to obtain their dream job.

Along with a passion for education, Karina Villa believes in providing healthcare for all Illinoisans. Throughout her time in office, she has emphasized her belief that everyone should be able to afford quality healthcare, and advocates for lower medicine costs and other healthcare initiatives to make healthcare more accessible and affordable. Karina Villa stands out from other politicians in the way she fights for women’s healthcare. Throughout her time in the Illinois Congress, Karina Villa has made tremendous progress in sponsoring and creating bills that focus on eliminating period poverty. In Illinois, thousands of women are forced to miss out on daily activities such as school and work every month because they cannot afford period products, and this can cause a host of financial and life problems for those involved. This advocacy is very important because it is not only a women’s issue, it is a familial issue for many and harms many people long-term. One thing that is often forgotten by most people as well is that not all women have periods, and not everyone who has periods is a woman. As a transgender male, women’s healthcare issues are still very much issues I face. I still have periods and I still have the possibility of becoming pregnant and carrying a child like most women have. I admire her work in focusing the issue as an “everyone” issue instead of a “women’s only” issue.

Karina Villa has demonstrated that she is a compassionate and successful leader as a representative in the Illinois legislature. Her work has helped improve women’s rights, education issues, and many more areas. I can’t wait to see what she does next.

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Phoenix Mintus is an incoming sophomore student at Denison University. He is majoring in Communications and Public Affairs. He is passionate about LGBTQ+ rights and women’s rights. He enjoys reading, writing, and learning new things everyday. On campus, he plans to volunteer and join the student newspaper.

The Definition of Powerful

Written by Evelyn Smyth

During my internship at Power in Place, I was able to get to know the internal workings of the political world and gain insight into the minds of some extraordinarily powerful women. People were coming together from all around the country to exchange ideas and responsibilities, but this was half the fun. Power in Place celebrates stories of all kinds from creators of different backgrounds and experiences which made this internship all the more unique. Everyone is so open-minded persevering through all ambitious ideas that are thrown their way. This mindset is vital for PiPsters in order to create an atmosphere of growth and collaboration. I thoroughly enjoyed my time working with inspirational women to uplift and amplify the voices of women in politics. My most memorable experience was interviewing two influential women, Representative Eleanor Holmes Norton and Senator Jill Schupp, who I deeply admire.

I was eleven years old when I first met Eleanor Holmes Norton at a Habitat for Humanity Veteran’s Day home dedication event in 2012. My dad excitedly shared all of his stories about Representative Holmes Norton’s accomplishments the entire car ride home that day. Nine years and a few government classes later, I can now share in my dad’s excitement of her impact on my home city of Washington DC. At the age of eleven, I knew I admired her and looked up to her, so when asked who I wanted to interview at Power in Place I was eager to get to know her story.  While I was unable to interview her in person due to the realities of living in a pandemic, I was able to connect with her and interview her over Zoom. Representative Norton expanded on her identity as an African American woman navigating politics in a white male-dominated profession. 2020 was the 100th anniversary of women gaining the right to vote, however this excluded women of color. Power in Place emphasized promoting women of color in honor of the women who were undemocratically excluded from the fundamental right to vote. I was in awe of Representative Holmes Norton, and my admiration only ran deeper after she did an outstanding job of narrating and articulating her story. She continues to be an inspiration to women of every age who are actively involved in politics, political activism, and social justice.

Power in Place strongly believes in the power of vulnerability and standing up for your beliefs. I am grateful to Senator Jill Schupp for her fierce vulnerability and humble character. My interview with Senator Schupp was one of the most humble interactions of my life. She was extremely well prepared and genuinely answered all of the questions I had prepared for her. During the Zoom interview, Senator Schupp provided me with personal examples from her journey through the world of politics as she expanded on with ease and excitement. Power in Place works with these women to preach their stories and experiences with the world to increase visibility and motivate other women who may be struggling to find their footing in politics. 

My passion for supporting women in office carried over into the fall of 2020, as I found ways to continue my activism. It was difficult to navigate the online world with limited in-person options and fully remote classes, I wanted to avoid staring at a screen as much as I could because that is what the entirety of my day consisted of. Two of my friends from Smith College were interning with the Sara Gideon campaign and shared with me the opportunity to apply and learn alongside them. I jumped at the opportunity to make calls to Maine voters a few hours a week to promote Sara Gideon and supporting a woman who stands up for her beliefs. With a full course load, extracurriculars, and work at home, I was happy to dedicate the free time I had left to my never-ending passion for women's empowerment. This election in particular was a crucial one to elect more progressive women. I wanted to commit whatever time I did have to promoting and actively seeking more women in office. 

Women are underrepresented in U.S. politics, especially women of color. My time at Power in Place allowed me to immerse myself in learning about the gender parity that continues to exist in our country. It is so important to hear these personal stories of Congresswomen, to help amplify and educate myself and others. In addition, connecting with individual voters when calling to promote representatives in critical elections taught me how interconnected the world of politics is. These experiences have allowed me to find my purpose in fighting for gender equity through activism and outreach.

Evelyn Smyth is a sophomore at Smith College, majoring in government and minoring in Spanish. She is passionate about women in politics, inclusion & diversity, as well as gender parity. On campus, she is the Vice President of the Smith College Democrats and the varsity rowing team representative on the Student-Athlete Advisory Committee.

Our future: Madame Vice President Kamala D. Harris

Harris is sworn in as vice president as her husband holds the Bible. Harris was sworn in by Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. She wore the color purple as a nod to Shirley Chisholm, the first African-American woman to run for president. Andrew Harnik/Pool/AP.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On January 20, 2021, Kamala Devi Harris became the first female vice president in the history of the United States. She is the highest ranking female elected official in our nation’s history, after a successful career as the Attorney General of the state of California (2011-2017) and the junior senator for California before her current tenure as Vice President of the United States. Not only has Vice President Harris shattered various glass ceilings that have limited the socio-political potential of women, she exemplifies the achievement of the conjoint ends of gender and racial equality. Growing up with both African American and Asian American ancestry, as her mother is from India and her father hails from British Jamaica, she is the first African American and (South) Asian American vice president. Vice President Harris inspires the future of women in politics, such as women like me, as well as younger generations of females that wish to see a future where they may hold public office, without any obstacles that block their path. 

““While I may be the first woman in this office, I will not be the last.” -Vice Presidential Acceptance Speech, November 7, 2020, ”

With her dual cultural heritages, our current vice president epitomizes diversity, representation, intersectionality, and equity. She is a woman of color who has successfully persevered through societal institutions, which may not be as evident as the clear disenfranchisement of women that the suffragists combatted, that have functioned to place unequal expectations on her role in society. Harris has assumed this landmark position as vice president, despite her intersectional identity as both a woman and person of color, which has yielded various types of exclusion and oppression in society.  Her identity as a woman of color has functioned in a manner that challenges societal institutions, such as the white, patriarchal nature of public office in the United States. Instead of permitting the intersectionality of her racial and gender identity to limit her efforts towards serving the American people and upholding democracy, she has successfully embraced her conjoint identity to empower herself and all of the identities that she represents. Her presence, her identity, and her words have powerful effects that are needed to assert the future for women in politics, in addition to racial equity. 

Vice President Kamala Harris walks with her family to the White House. Maddie McGarvey for CNN.

It is important to recognize the historic day of January 20, 2020 since the trajectory of women in politics, in terms of their public representation, has changed for the better. Now, we hope that women in politics may become the norm, instead of the outlier. Little girls, with skin in every color, can see a role model in Harris; they can grow up knowing their identity matters, from their gender to their race, without hesitation. They now live in a reality where it is possible to grow up and become like Vice President Harris. Additionally, women, especially women of color, are assured that shattering patriarchal institutions in politics is possible, and not just a hopeful aspiration. For example, for me, as a woman of color, I now see that all facets of my identity can be represented in the highest public offices of the land. ice president. Vice President Kamala Harris is not only a role model for females, of all ages, of all backgrounds, but a reflection of what America can be. While our country must heal from the present inequalities that plague us in the present day, it is imperative that we celebrate the presence of Kamala Harris in the office of Vice President of the United States. The historic day Harris’ inauguration, on the 20th of January in 2021, is just the beginning for women in politics.

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The 1913 Women's Suffrage Procession: revitalizing the hope for female enfranchisement against all odds

Women suffragists at the head of the parade, marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, with the U.S. Capitol in background, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On March 3, 1913, the Women’s Suffrage Procession manifested a new energy for the suffrage movement, paving the way for the landmark 19th amendment to be passed in Congress. A substantial procession of 8,000 marchers, 9 bands, 4 mounted brigades, and 20 floats gathered on Pennsylvania Avenue to march to the Treasury Building for an allegorical performance demanding necessity of female enfranchisement. Organized by the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), this gathering of women demanding socio-political equality occurred on a strategic day in order to denounce the lack of female representation in the political sphere. These women marched on the same route that the new President, Woodrow Wilson, would undertake the very next day, March 4, en route to his presidential inauguration. The 1913 women’s suffrage procession was expertly planned in order to fall on this exact date, in the presence of lawmakers in Washington, D.C. The chairs of the NAWSA, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, wished to send a provocative message that indicated a new chapter of resistance to gender-based disenfranchisement.

Cover of program for the National American Woman Suffrage Association procession, showing woman, in elaborate attire, with cape, blowing long horn, from which is draped a "votes for women" banner, on decorated horse, with U.S. Capitol in background. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

““The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” ”

A diverse group of women gathered in order to justly demand the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in Congress. Proposed in 1878, this amendment prohibited the denial of enfranchisement, based on gender, and thus exemplified the core philosophy of the women’s suffrage movement. However, this amendment had been stalled for the last 35 years; this reality would not be tolerated anymore by the dedicated suffragists. With elaborate floats, decor, and songs, this procession possessed the intent to make that bold statement in a concrete way. In fact, the procession was designed to present an argument for the validity of female enfranchisement; each section highlighted the distinct accomplishments of the respective participants. There were delegations from states, specific professions (like business or law), and universities. 

Inez Milholland rides Grey Dawn as the herald of the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Harris & Ewing, photographer. Records of the National Woman's Party, Library of Congress

The first sight of the procession was Inez Milholland, dressed in white on top of a white horse named Grey Dawn, represented the ideal of female suffrage. As a prominent lawyer and activist, she represented the New Woman, whose voice would no longer be suppressed by patriarchal, electoral institutions. As the New Women of the 20th century, this generation of women rebelled against the establishment of societal expectations and challenged gender norms in various ways. From dress to behavior, a new wave of change was being realized during the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. This next generation of women pursued female equality, not only in the political and legal sphere, but in all areas of existence. Feminism was on display, as each woman had a specific individual cause that they stood for, in addition to standing together in a collective mission for female enfranchisement while marching down the National Mall. 

“We demand an amendment to the Constitution of the United States enfranchising the women of this country.”

The "Great Demand" float in the Woman Suffrage Procession, March 3, 1913

Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University

The first float, which held the message of the “Great Demand,” represented the newfound commitment and energy that was needed by the suffrage movement to actively achieve their goal. Suffragettes were no longer content with accepting limited voting rights in bits or in one state/jurisdiction; a nationwide enfranchisement was necessary. 

March 3, 1913 photo at the Suffrage Parade, showing marchers (left to right) Mrs. Russell McLennan, Mrs. Althea Taft, Mrs. Lew Bridges, Mrs. Richard Coke Burleson, Alberta Hill and Miss F. Ragsdale. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin.

Suffragettes of color were a prominent feature in the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. More than 40 black women, with their specific state delegations, marched together for a future of political enfranchisement and equality. Leading banners from their sections, they encapsulated a conjoint end of racial justice with achieving the right to vote for women. There were even 25 black students from the Delta Sigma Theta sorority at Howard University, with as many as 6 graduates. Those women, with their respected academic regalia, included prominent suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell. Additionally, Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin, a famous Native American lawyer who advocated for the rights of her people with the Society of American Indians, marched in the procession. Her presence highlighted the relevant role of suffragists of color to re-energizing the women’s suffrage movement. White female suffragists did not only function as important contributors; women of color actively contributed to the health and vitality of this collective cause of suffrage.

Ida B. Wells-Burnett

However, the participation and advocacy of suffragists of color did not function without complications. For example, Ida B.Wells-Burnett, a prominent African American suffrage activist, was denied the opportunity to march at the front of the Illinois delegation like she had originally intended. It is important to remember that she, as a black woman, still faced more barriers to her activism than her white counterparts, who as organizers of this procession relegated her to march at the back of the Illinois delegation. However, Wells-Burnett refused to let the color of her skin dictate the depth of her role in advocating for women's suffrage; eventually, she found a way to march at the front of her delegation. The efforts of Ida B. Wells-Burnett serve as a reminder that racial justice is a conjoint end with women’s suffrage, occupying the same status of importance.

Part of the 1913 Suffrage Parade. The signs read "In The Home,” and "Homemakers.” Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession seemed to have all the components to be successful, but faced unprecedented obstacles. A crowd of 250,000 people, mainly men who arrived in the nation’s capital for the presidential inauguration, formed a physical barrier against the marching procession of women. These spectators blocked the parade route, accosting the women in the street and stopping their forward movement. A physical confrontation resulted within the parade, as the crowd sought to advance their own agenda at the expense of this tightly organized procession of women. Even though the participants on horseback sought to block these individuals, the sheer number of spectators disrupted the women’s march to their destination, the Treasury building. In fact, a sea of hostile, jeering men shouted rude, explicit insults at the women. Harassment, cat-calling, and sexual propositions flew in the face of each woman in the parade as they persisted onward.

The crowd converges on marchers, blocking the parade route during March 3, 1913, suffrage procession, in Washington, District of Columbia. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Yet, the bravery of these women was evident, as many continued on in the face of the vile opposition of the surrounding crowd. Even with tears, and psychological hurt, they persisted without interruption or hesitation. Some even carried banner poles, flags, and hat pins to ward off the attack. Physical unrest was a challenge that would be overcome together, with a collective effort. It was in fact necessary to assert their independent voices, and defend their bodies, when the Capitol Police was unable, or unwilling, to intervene. It was only until U.S. army troops entered the crowd that the spectators disappeared from harassing these women. En route to demanding their right to vote, it is telling that these female participants also had to, in an autonomous manner, affirm their own safety against an opposition that was threatened by their willingness to break traditional patriarchal norms. For these women, giving up was not an option, as there was too much at stake in their quest for socio-political equality.

The crowd surrounds and slows a Red Cross ambulance during the Women's suffrage procession, on March 3, 1913. Dozens of marchers were injured during the march, shoved and tripped by spectators. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession on March 3, 1913, made notable headlines in newspapers around the country. The disruptive unrest of the crowd yielded 100 participants that were eventually hospitalized as a consequence of their involvement in the parade. Therefore, as the public deemed it unfathomable that the police did nothing to stop the blatant disruption of the ongoing procession, scandal ensued. An investigation of the ineffectiveness of the Capitol police commenced in the following days, resulting in the firing of the Washington, D.C. superintendent of police. It is clear that the police did not value this procession, which was threatened by disruptive crowds, as a cause worth protecting.The women of the NAWSA took a stand for themselves, in the face of substantial resistance to their efforts, and did not back down.

Tableau presented by the Women's Suffrage Association, on the U.S. Treasury building steps, on March 3, 1913. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

The women’s suffrage procession garnered more attention than the events of the next day, the presidential inauguration. On the same steps of the suffragists occupied, President Wilson was seemingly an afterthought in the shadow of the previous events. The suffragettes, who even suffered injuries to march against the physical barrier of the spectators, took center stage. The procession of these bold suffragettes renewed energy and public attention to their cause of pursuing and realizing the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment and the “Great Demand.” The suffrage movement needed this jolt of energy in order to affirm greater vitality and vigor in its character. This reinvigoration of the suffrage movement thus created powerful momentum, as in the next 7 years, the right to vote for women would be concretely realized in the political and legal sphere. The 19th amendment benefited from the events of March 3, 1913; a newfound spirit that fought for gender egalitarianism in enfranchisement manifested in the actions of these brave women. The women marching in the 1913 procession unequivocally valued a future where the next generations of women would experience socio-political equality.

References: 

1. Taylor, Alan. “The 1913 Women’s Suffrage Parade.” The Atlantic. March 1, 2013. https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2013/03/100-years-ago-the-1913-womens-suffrage-parade/100465/ 

2. “1913 Woman Suffrage Procession.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/articles/woman-suffrage-procession1913.htm 

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The suffragettes of 1880-1890: simultaneously pursuing racial justice alongside the landmark right to vote

First Issue of The Crisis: A Record of the Darker Races, November 1910. New York: NAACP, 1910.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, 2021 WINTER COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The years between 1880 and 1890 yielded immense progress for achieving the reality of female enfranchisement within a historically male-dominated society. Suffragettes, especially those of color, were able to challenge patriarchal institutions, such as the denial of women’s suffrage, through influential actions based on philosophies of gender, racial, and social justice. The conjoint nature of this activism not only cultivated hope in the suffrage movement for women of color, but also in the greater movement to assert rights that are denied on the basis of one's identity. These rights were traditionally marginalized in a socioeconomic and political context and held as the standard in both cultural, social, and legal norms. Advocating for suffrage, for these women of color, is synonymous with an awareness for intersectionality of identity. The enfranchisement of women would not be truly successful if it did not account for deconstructing structural inequalities that are based in an interconnected identity of race, gender, and other forms of identity. These brave suffragette women of color tackled systemic manners of oppression in American society, such as the denial of female enfranchisement and racism, by using their unique identities to their advantage.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), as a prolific black poet, writer, and  journalist that advocated for the suffrage, and subsequent social equality, of black women. Her commitment to this conjoint gender and racial justice first began with helping slaves escape through the Underground Railroad and publishing anti-slavery journalistic works. Later, during the American Reconstruction Era, she was a prominent activist for civil rights, women’s suffrage, and equitable education opportunities for black citizens. Her advocacy was mainly done through her high status in the literary and journalism world; she is known as the “mother of African American journalism,” and one of the first black writers to popularize Africa American protest poetry. For example, her short story, The Two Offers, was the first short story published by an African American writer. Her ideals of equality and representation in literature extended into her contributions in society; Harper was a co-founder and Vice President of the National Association of Colored Women and member of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Additionally, she was the superintendent of the Colored Section of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Harper, as an extremely accomplished writer and activist, leaves an indelible mark on the history of suffragettes of color. 

Harriet Purvis, Jr. , circa 1874.

Harriet (Hattie) Purvis, Jr. (1839-1904) was also an active supporter of women’s suffrage in the face of societal challenges. While her views on female enfranchisement are relatively unknown, she represented the second generation of black women suffragettes. She was active in the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association and a member of its executive committee in 1884. Furthemore, between 1883-1900, she was also a notable delegate for the National American Woman Suffrage Association due to her work in the state of Pennsylvania. She was also involved, as a superintendent of work among Colored People for the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Purvis, Jr. is an important figure who fought for women’s suffrage, especially for black women, that has been hidden in the corners of history. Her contributions, especially those in Pennsylvania, are intrinsically in need of recognition.

Getrude Bustill Mossell.

Getrude Bustill Mosell (1855-1948) was an active journalist that used her platform to highlight the severity of achieving women’s suffrage, especially for women of color. As a journalist, she wrote about these issues of gender and racial justice in The New York Freedom, one of T. Thomas Fortune’s newspapers. Her first publication, titled “Women’s Suffrage,” in 1865 encouraged women to read about the history of the suffrage movement and previous articles of women’s rights. Encouraging a black, female audience, Mosell used the press as an effective way to appeal and inspire black women to contribute to the suffragist movement. In addition, due to her high journalistic status, she was able to relate to middle class views of housewives who were feminists and encourage them to advocate for female enfranchisement. Mosell, through the black press, sought to appeal to demographics that were relational to her intersectional identity of a black female journalist, in order to garner more support for the suffragist movement. 

Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, 1902.

Jospehine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) was a major figure in the advancement of women’s enfranchisement in the state of Massachusetts. Also beginning as a journalist, she joined in the work of the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and later became affiliated with the American Woman Suffrage Association. In fact, in 1895, she convened the first conference of the National Federation of Afro-American Women, which was probably the first national organization of black women, in Boston. Ruffin was an unequivocal leader in the black women’s club movement, which united black women under the cause of female enfranchisement. She wrote in her black woman’s newspaper, The Women’s Era, utilizing her previous journalistic experience for the progress of women’s rights. In Massachusetts, she urged white women to join with black women to advance the suffragist cause. However, her efforts to unite black and white women’s clubs (and thus combat racial inequalities) were not extremely successful; she experienced discrimination at the Convetion of General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1900. Nevertheless, Ruffin persisted in her cause of combatting societal institutions such as female disenfranchisement, and realizing the deconstruction of gender and racial injustices.

Josephine Bruce.

Josephine Bruce (1853-1923), was a prominent activist for women’s rights and suffragists in the Washington, D.C. area. With her husband, Representative Blanche K. Bruce, the first U.S. Senator from Mississippi during the Reconstruction Era, Bruce’s influence in the D.C. area was extremely noticeable and impactful. She was a charter member of the Colored Women’s League of D.C. and helped organize the National Organization of Afro-American Women in 1894. Moreover, she headed over the national executive committee of the National Association of Colored Women and was the editor of its publication, Notes. Drawing on journalism as an effective medium of advocating for the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for women (especially of color), Bruce often published articles in Crisis Magazine and In the Voice of the Negro. She also served as the editor of the magazine for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, after becoming involved in the organization. Concerned by the evident inequality for women of color in American society, Bruce took action, writing for the necessity of women’s rights and suffrage, and reached a far audience due to her high status in our nation’s capital.

Anna J. Cooper, Oberlin College.

Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964), as part of a rich tradition of black writers and intellectuals in the Washington, D.C. area, was a fervent advocate for black feminism and self determination within the women’s suffrage movement. As teacher and principal at the famous M. Street High School in Washington D.C., she became an esteemed clubwoman and social activist who was greatly admired for her belief that the status of black women was central to the progress of the nation. With her influence in the nation’s capital, she also served as a mentor for other suffrage activists, such as Angelina Grimke and Nannie Helen Burroughs. Furthermore, her book, A Voice in the South in 1882, promotes the notion that black women could empower themselves, and have innate capacities for self determination, through education and social uplift. Cooper, with her high status as a writer, used her platform to highlight the necessity of guaranteeing a future in American society where black women were enfranchised and inherently valued.

Susette La Flasche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) Courtesy of Nebraska State Historical Society.

Susette La Flesche Tibbles (1854-1903), or “Bright Eyes,” was a prominent Native American activist and suffragist that advocated for Native American rights in the face of barriers created by U.S. federal policy. She is best known for embarking on a series of nationwide and international speaking tours, which were widely successful, to document the adversity faced by Native Americans in American society. Her wish to promote equality for Native Americans in society also extended to the socio-political realm, as she became a staunch advocate for women’s suffrage, especially that of Native American women. Tibbles also served as an expert witness and interpreter in court for Native Americans who wished to sue the government due to various types of grievances. In fact, she served as an interpreter for Standing Bear, who sued the federal government in 1879 and acquired a ruling that allowed Native Americans to choose where they want to live. Tibble’s testimonies about the lack of Native American rights in front of Congress eventually led to the landmark 1887 Dawes Act. “Bright Eyes” was a notable advocate for an intersectional equality of gender, in relation to female enfranchisement, and socio-political Native American rights. 

Adella Hunt Logan.

Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), as a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, made philosophical contributions to rationalizing why black women deserve the right to vote. As a charter member of the Tuskegee Women’s Club and lecturer for conferences at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, she combined white suffrage rationale with black women’s suffrage to amplify its effects and overall message. This philosophy gained traction in the black women’s suffrage movement, especially as Logan published these ideas in prominent magazines such as Colored American and Crisis. Attacking anti-suffrage movements, she augmented her justification for female enfranchisement with an unequivocally potent rationale; the right to vote for black women would be a undeniable form of protection against rape and sexual abuse for them. Gaining national attention, her arguments for the enfranchisement of black women included core tenets form Mary Ann Shadd Cady, Frances E.W. Harper, and Sojourner Truth. Additionally, she staged lantern slide nights and organized suffrage parades for women’s club members at the beginning of President William McKinely’s re-election parade. Logan used her unique intellectual basis of activism to the advantage of advancing the cause of suffrage, especially for African American women. 

The movement of women’s suffrage was not solely for the purpose of obtaining the right to vote; it was a greater mission for achieving equality and recognition for their valuable character and contributions as women of color in a society that had acted often against their best interests. From the decade of 1880-1890, suffragette women persisted in their efforts to achieve this comprehensive equality for the present and future generations. 

References:

1. Rothberg, Emma.“Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”).” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/susette-la-flesche-tibbles-bright-eyes 

2. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.