The Depth of a Music Genre: Hip Hop Feminism

BY: VANSSA CRESPO, SUMMER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

In the Fall of 2020, I took a class called African American Women’s Political Activism because its long but descriptive name called my attention. It sounded like a niche topic and was offered only this one time by my university. This class didn’t disappoint. Not only did we discuss delicate topics such as mass incarceration, domestic violence, and health disparities, but I was also introduced to several new feminist theories that I wasn’t previously aware of. Although the name of the course includes “women,” it looked at a larger picture to understand the societal oppression of the Afro-American community as a whole rather than exclusively one group. Of course, we explored these stories through the perspectives of women and Black feminist thought.

And as if the course wasn’t interesting enough, we had a lecture on Hip Hop Feminism . . . Say what? I didn’t know this was a thing, but as with many cultural and social movements, we find sub-groups that use their own approach to communicate with a wider audience. A term coined by Joan Morgan, Hip Hop Feminism recognizes the marginalization and objectification of women in the music genre, but it utilizes it as a source to empower and uplift women. The genre is known to talk about the lived experience of Black and Latino youth in the face of economic, social, and racial discrimination. So Hip Hop Feminism takes this basic concept and embraces it with the goal of reaching a younger generation of women. Although the typical Hip Hop as we know it may contain problematic female stereotypes, Hip Hop feminists believe there’s a potential to create a place of self-identification for women both racially and sexually. Doctor Whitney A. People states in her article “Identifying Foundations of Hip-Hop Feminism” that, “hip-hop is a also a site where young Black women begin to build or further develop their own gender critique and feminist identity, which they can then turn toward the misogyny of rap music”. Despite the sexism found in this music genre, Hip Hop feminists’ goal is to expand the genre's scope in order to start the conversation on women’s issues, especially women of color. This sub-group emerged from the backlash of the second-wave feminism failure to address intersectionality and white elitist feminists excluding minorities from the mainstream movement. We can look at Hip Hop Feminism as a byproduct of Third Wave feminism which focused on issues like sexual harassment – spurred by the testimony of Anita Hill – the liberation of women of color, the eradication of homophobia, and dismantling white feminist elitism and Black sexism. Some examples of artists in this niche group are Lauryn Hill (my personal favorite), Salt-N-Pepa, and contemporary artist and activist Toni Blackman.

Lauryn Hill’s album “The Miseducation of Lauryn Hill'' might be the most recognized work of Hip Hop feminism. Hill touched on topics like motherhood in “To Zion”, about heartbreak in “The Ex-Factor”, sexuality in “Do Woop”, poverty in “The Final Hour”, faith in “I Used to Love Him”, and many other topics explored in Hip Hop Feminism. This album is worth listening to because it is a successful attempt to transform the current climate that surrounded the music genre while also empowering women and women of color.  Salt-N-Peppa explored similar topics like sexual freedom in their popular song “Let’s Talk About Sex”, but also gun violence and discrimination. Lastly, Toni Blackman uses hip hop to advocate it as an alternative way of dealing with emotions and personal conflict, and as an educator, Blackman often discusses the intersection of hip hop and mental health. She is also the first hip hop artist selected to serve as a Cultural Ambassador with the U.S. Department of State.

I think that if it wasn’t for this class, I would’ve never discovered the connection between hip hop and feminism. Am I surprised? Well, if I really think about it, activism manifests in multiple ways, through common political discourse, public manifestations, or the arts. But I guess I never thought about the deeper connection of intersectionality and feminism within hip hop. I applaud these artists for taking a music genre like hip hop which oftentimes objectifies women but successfully managed to turn it into space where younger women can celebrate their sexual and racial identities while also addressing wider women’s issues.

References

[1] Peoples, Whitney A. (2008).  “"Under Construction": Identifying Foundations of Hip-Hop Feminism and Exploring Bridges between Black Second-Wave and Hip-Hop Feminisms.” Meridians, 8(1), 19-52.  https://www.jstor.org/stable/40338910. 



Vanessa Crespo is an upcoming senior at the University of Texas at Austin double majoring in Political Science and Philosophy. She is interested in women’s rights, feminist theory, and Latin American politics. In the future, she is aiming at a career in Law but also sees herself as an advocate of women’s rights and human rights in Latin American.






Who is Karina Villa?

By: Phoenix Mintus, Summer 2021 Collaborator at Power in Place

Serving in the Illinois Senate as the District 25 representative, Karina Villa has made a significant impact in the progression of women’s rights and education legislation in the Illinois legislature. She is a leader and a great role model for young women aspiring to go into politics.

Karina Villa learned about the importance of hard work and determination in her youth. Growing up with her immigrant parents, her family owned a local grocery store in West Chicago. She earned her master’s degree in social work and worked as a school social worker for the West Chicago and Villa Park school systems prior to her work experience in the Illinois legislature.

I remember the day I met Karina Villa. It was a cold winter afternoon, and I was sitting at home working on school work when I heard my doorbell ring. When I answered the door, I saw Karina Villa standing on my front porch. She was campaigning for her position as Illinois state representative in the Illinois House of Representatives, and she wanted to share her platform with us. Considering the weather conditions outside, I could tell that she was very determined and compassionate about her work as a female politician. When she discussed her platform, she talked about the importance of advocating for students with disabilities in the K-12 school system, mentioning that they often get left behind and do not receive the help they need. I was deeply touched as I thought of my twin brother who was diagnosed with ADHD at six years old and faced many problems with attaining his accommodations. Throughout middle school and high school, my parents and the school had to hold several meetings discussing my brother’s Individualized Education Plan, and there were several times when the school stated “we can’t accommodate that.” My parents had to start bringing my brother’s psychologist to the meetings for him to get a chance at getting a teacher’s assistant to help him. It was a very difficult process, so it was inspiring to understand how much her experience working in the West Chicago and Villa Park school systems helped her understand the issues facing students with disabilities.

Beyond the K-12 education system, Karina Villa has raised awareness on the disparities of students who can and cannot receive a college education due to finances. Her platform advocates for state investment in higher education and vocational training in order to make college and trade school available to all. She sees the importance and value of higher education in the futures of the youth and has supported legislation decreasing poverty among college campuses. I hope Karina Villa can be the change needed so my peers who cannot afford college can one day receive their college education and be able to obtain their dream job.

Along with a passion for education, Karina Villa believes in providing healthcare for all Illinoisans. Throughout her time in office, she has emphasized her belief that everyone should be able to afford quality healthcare, and advocates for lower medicine costs and other healthcare initiatives to make healthcare more accessible and affordable. Karina Villa stands out from other politicians in the way she fights for women’s healthcare. Throughout her time in the Illinois Congress, Karina Villa has made tremendous progress in sponsoring and creating bills that focus on eliminating period poverty. In Illinois, thousands of women are forced to miss out on daily activities such as school and work every month because they cannot afford period products, and this can cause a host of financial and life problems for those involved. This advocacy is very important because it is not only a women’s issue, it is a familial issue for many and harms many people long-term. One thing that is often forgotten by most people as well is that not all women have periods, and not everyone who has periods is a woman. As a transgender male, women’s healthcare issues are still very much issues I face. I still have periods and I still have the possibility of becoming pregnant and carrying a child like most women have. I admire her work in focusing the issue as an “everyone” issue instead of a “women’s only” issue.

Karina Villa has demonstrated that she is a compassionate and successful leader as a representative in the Illinois legislature. Her work has helped improve women’s rights, education issues, and many more areas. I can’t wait to see what she does next.


Phoenix Mintus is an incoming sophomore student at Denison University. He is majoring in Communications and Public Affairs. He is passionate about LGBTQ+ rights and women’s rights. He enjoys reading, writing, and learning new things everyday. On campus, he plans to volunteer and join the student newspaper.

The Definition of Powerful

Written by Evelyn Smyth

During my internship at Power in Place, I was able to get to know the internal workings of the political world and gain insight into the minds of some extraordinarily powerful women. People were coming together from all around the country to exchange ideas and responsibilities, but this was half the fun. Power in Place celebrates stories of all kinds from creators of different backgrounds and experiences which made this internship all the more unique. Everyone is so open-minded persevering through all ambitious ideas that are thrown their way. This mindset is vital for PiPsters in order to create an atmosphere of growth and collaboration. I thoroughly enjoyed my time working with inspirational women to uplift and amplify the voices of women in politics. My most memorable experience was interviewing two influential women, Representative Eleanor Holmes Norton and Senator Jill Schupp, who I deeply admire.

I was eleven years old when I first met Eleanor Holmes Norton at a Habitat for Humanity Veteran’s Day home dedication event in 2012. My dad excitedly shared all of his stories about Representative Holmes Norton’s accomplishments the entire car ride home that day. Nine years and a few government classes later, I can now share in my dad’s excitement of her impact on my home city of Washington DC. At the age of eleven, I knew I admired her and looked up to her, so when asked who I wanted to interview at Power in Place I was eager to get to know her story.  While I was unable to interview her in person due to the realities of living in a pandemic, I was able to connect with her and interview her over Zoom. Representative Norton expanded on her identity as an African American woman navigating politics in a white male-dominated profession. 2020 was the 100th anniversary of women gaining the right to vote, however this excluded women of color. Power in Place emphasized promoting women of color in honor of the women who were undemocratically excluded from the fundamental right to vote. I was in awe of Representative Holmes Norton, and my admiration only ran deeper after she did an outstanding job of narrating and articulating her story. She continues to be an inspiration to women of every age who are actively involved in politics, political activism, and social justice.

Power in Place strongly believes in the power of vulnerability and standing up for your beliefs. I am grateful to Senator Jill Schupp for her fierce vulnerability and humble character. My interview with Senator Schupp was one of the most humble interactions of my life. She was extremely well prepared and genuinely answered all of the questions I had prepared for her. During the Zoom interview, Senator Schupp provided me with personal examples from her journey through the world of politics as she expanded on with ease and excitement. Power in Place works with these women to preach their stories and experiences with the world to increase visibility and motivate other women who may be struggling to find their footing in politics. 

My passion for supporting women in office carried over into the fall of 2020, as I found ways to continue my activism. It was difficult to navigate the online world with limited in-person options and fully remote classes, I wanted to avoid staring at a screen as much as I could because that is what the entirety of my day consisted of. Two of my friends from Smith College were interning with the Sara Gideon campaign and shared with me the opportunity to apply and learn alongside them. I jumped at the opportunity to make calls to Maine voters a few hours a week to promote Sara Gideon and supporting a woman who stands up for her beliefs. With a full course load, extracurriculars, and work at home, I was happy to dedicate the free time I had left to my never-ending passion for women's empowerment. This election in particular was a crucial one to elect more progressive women. I wanted to commit whatever time I did have to promoting and actively seeking more women in office. 

Women are underrepresented in U.S. politics, especially women of color. My time at Power in Place allowed me to immerse myself in learning about the gender parity that continues to exist in our country. It is so important to hear these personal stories of Congresswomen, to help amplify and educate myself and others. In addition, connecting with individual voters when calling to promote representatives in critical elections taught me how interconnected the world of politics is. These experiences have allowed me to find my purpose in fighting for gender equity through activism and outreach.

EMS

Evelyn Smyth is a sophomore at Smith College, majoring in government and minoring in Spanish. She is passionate about women in politics, inclusion & diversity, as well as gender parity. On campus, she is the Vice President of the Smith College Democrats and the varsity rowing team representative on the Student-Athlete Advisory Committee.

Our future: Madame Vice President Kamala D. Harris

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On January 20, 2021, Kamala Devi Harris became the first female vice president in the history of the United States. She is the highest ranking female elected official in our nation’s history, after a successful career as the Attorney General of the state of California (2011-2017) and the junior senator for California before her current tenure as Vice President of the United States. Not only has Vice President Harris shattered various glass ceilings that have limited the socio-political potential of women, she exemplifies the achievement of the conjoint ends of gender and racial equality. Growing up with both African American and Asian American ancestry, as her mother is from India and her father hails from British Jamaica, she is the first African American and (South) Asian American vice president. Vice President Harris inspires the future of women in politics, such as women like me, as well as younger generations of females that wish to see a future where they may hold public office, without any obstacles that block their path. 

“While I may be the first woman in this office, I will not be the last.” -Vice Presidential Acceptance Speech, November 7, 2020,

With her dual cultural heritages, our current vice president epitomizes diversity, representation, intersectionality, and equity. She is a woman of color who has successfully persevered through societal institutions, which may not be as evident as the clear disenfranchisement of women that the suffragists combatted, that have functioned to place unequal expectations on her role in society. Harris has assumed this landmark position as vice president, despite her intersectional identity as both a woman and person of color, which has yielded various types of exclusion and oppression in society.  Her identity as a woman of color has functioned in a manner that challenges societal institutions, such as the white, patriarchal nature of public office in the United States. Instead of permitting the intersectionality of her racial and gender identity to limit her efforts towards serving the American people and upholding democracy, she has successfully embraced her conjoint identity to empower herself and all of the identities that she represents. Her presence, her identity, and her words have powerful effects that are needed to assert the future for women in politics, in addition to racial equity. 

It is important to recognize the historic day of January 20, 2020 since the trajectory of women in politics, in terms of their public representation, has changed for the better. Now, we hope that women in politics may become the norm, instead of the outlier. Little girls, with skin in every color, can see a role model in Harris; they can grow up knowing their identity matters, from their gender to their race, without hesitation. They now live in a reality where it is possible to grow up and become like Vice President Harris. Additionally, women, especially women of color, are assured that shattering patriarchal institutions in politics is possible, and not just a hopeful aspiration. For example, for me, as a woman of color, I now see that all facets of my identity can be represented in the highest public offices of the land. ice president. Vice President Kamala Harris is not only a role model for females, of all ages, of all backgrounds, but a reflection of what America can be. While our country must heal from the present inequalities that plague us in the present day, it is imperative that we celebrate the presence of Kamala Harris in the office of Vice President of the United States. The historic day Harris’ inauguration, on the 20th of January in 2021, is just the beginning for women in politics.

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Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The 1913 Women's Suffrage Procession: revitalizing the hope for female enfranchisement against all odds

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

On March 3, 1913, the Women’s Suffrage Procession manifested a new energy for the suffrage movement, paving the way for the landmark 19th amendment to be passed in Congress. A substantial procession of 8,000 marchers, 9 bands, 4 mounted brigades, and 20 floats gathered on Pennsylvania Avenue to march to the Treasury Building for an allegorical performance demanding necessity of female enfranchisement. Organized by the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), this gathering of women demanding socio-political equality occurred on a strategic day in order to denounce the lack of female representation in the political sphere. These women marched on the same route that the new President, Woodrow Wilson, would undertake the very next day, March 4, en route to his presidential inauguration. The 1913 women’s suffrage procession was expertly planned in order to fall on this exact date, in the presence of lawmakers in Washington, D.C. The chairs of the NAWSA, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns, wished to send a provocative message that indicated a new chapter of resistance to gender-based disenfranchisement.

“The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.”

A diverse group of women gathered in order to justly demand the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment in Congress. Proposed in 1878, this amendment prohibited the denial of enfranchisement, based on gender, and thus exemplified the core philosophy of the women’s suffrage movement. However, this amendment had been stalled for the last 35 years; this reality would not be tolerated anymore by the dedicated suffragists. With elaborate floats, decor, and songs, this procession possessed the intent to make that bold statement in a concrete way. In fact, the procession was designed to present an argument for the validity of female enfranchisement; each section highlighted the distinct accomplishments of the respective participants. There were delegations from states, specific professions (like business or law), and universities. 

The first sight of the procession was Inez Milholland, dressed in white on top of a white horse named Grey Dawn, represented the ideal of female suffrage. As a prominent lawyer and activist, she represented the New Woman, whose voice would no longer be suppressed by patriarchal, electoral institutions. As the New Women of the 20th century, this generation of women rebelled against the establishment of societal expectations and challenged gender norms in various ways. From dress to behavior, a new wave of change was being realized during the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. This next generation of women pursued female equality, not only in the political and legal sphere, but in all areas of existence. Feminism was on display, as each woman had a specific individual cause that they stood for, in addition to standing together in a collective mission for female enfranchisement while marching down the National Mall. 

We demand an amendment to the Constitution of the United States enfranchising the women of this country.

The first float, which held the message of the “Great Demand,” represented the newfound commitment and energy that was needed by the suffrage movement to actively achieve their goal. Suffragettes were no longer content with accepting limited voting rights in bits or in one state/jurisdiction; a nationwide enfranchisement was necessary. 

Suffragettes of color were a prominent feature in the 1913 Women’s Suffrage Procession. More than 40 black women, with their specific state delegations, marched together for a future of political enfranchisement and equality. Leading banners from their sections, they encapsulated a conjoint end of racial justice with achieving the right to vote for women. There were even 25 black students from the Delta Sigma Theta sorority at Howard University, with as many as 6 graduates. Those women, with their respected academic regalia, included prominent suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell. Additionally, Marie Louise Bottineau-Baldwin, a famous Native American lawyer who advocated for the rights of her people with the Society of American Indians, marched in the procession. Her presence highlighted the relevant role of suffragists of color to re-energizing the women’s suffrage movement. White female suffragists did not only function as important contributors; women of color actively contributed to the health and vitality of this collective cause of suffrage.

However, the participation and advocacy of suffragists of color did not function without complications. For example, Ida B.Wells-Burnett, a prominent African American suffrage activist, was denied the opportunity to march at the front of the Illinois delegation like she had originally intended. It is important to remember that she, as a black woman, still faced more barriers to her activism than her white counterparts, who as organizers of this procession relegated her to march at the back of the Illinois delegation. However, Wells-Burnett refused to let the color of her skin dictate the depth of her role in advocating for women's suffrage; eventually, she found a way to march at the front of her delegation. The efforts of Ida B. Wells-Burnett serve as a reminder that racial justice is a conjoint end with women’s suffrage, occupying the same status of importance.

The women’s suffrage procession seemed to have all the components to be successful, but faced unprecedented obstacles. A crowd of 250,000 people, mainly men who arrived in the nation’s capital for the presidential inauguration, formed a physical barrier against the marching procession of women. These spectators blocked the parade route, accosting the women in the street and stopping their forward movement. A physical confrontation resulted within the parade, as the crowd sought to advance their own agenda at the expense of this tightly organized procession of women. Even though the participants on horseback sought to block these individuals, the sheer number of spectators disrupted the women’s march to their destination, the Treasury building. In fact, a sea of hostile, jeering men shouted rude, explicit insults at the women. Harassment, cat-calling, and sexual propositions flew in the face of each woman in the parade as they persisted onward.

Yet, the bravery of these women was evident, as many continued on in the face of the vile opposition of the surrounding crowd. Even with tears, and psychological hurt, they persisted without interruption or hesitation. Some even carried banner poles, flags, and hat pins to ward off the attack. Physical unrest was a challenge that would be overcome together, with a collective effort. It was in fact necessary to assert their independent voices, and defend their bodies, when the Capitol Police was unable, or unwilling, to intervene. It was only until U.S. army troops entered the crowd that the spectators disappeared from harassing these women. En route to demanding their right to vote, it is telling that these female participants also had to, in an autonomous manner, affirm their own safety against an opposition that was threatened by their willingness to break traditional patriarchal norms. For these women, giving up was not an option, as there was too much at stake in their quest for socio-political equality.

The women’s suffrage procession on March 3, 1913, made notable headlines in newspapers around the country. The disruptive unrest of the crowd yielded 100 participants that were eventually hospitalized as a consequence of their involvement in the parade. Therefore, as the public deemed it unfathomable that the police did nothing to stop the blatant disruption of the ongoing procession, scandal ensued. An investigation of the ineffectiveness of the Capitol police commenced in the following days, resulting in the firing of the Washington, D.C. superintendent of police. It is clear that the police did not value this procession, which was threatened by disruptive crowds, as a cause worth protecting.The women of the NAWSA took a stand for themselves, in the face of substantial resistance to their efforts, and did not back down.

The women’s suffrage procession garnered more attention than the events of the next day, the presidential inauguration. On the same steps of the suffragists occupied, President Wilson was seemingly an afterthought in the shadow of the previous events. The suffragettes, who even suffered injuries to march against the physical barrier of the spectators, took center stage. The procession of these bold suffragettes renewed energy and public attention to their cause of pursuing and realizing the passage of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment and the “Great Demand.” The suffrage movement needed this jolt of energy in order to affirm greater vitality and vigor in its character. This reinvigoration of the suffrage movement thus created powerful momentum, as in the next 7 years, the right to vote for women would be concretely realized in the political and legal sphere. The 19th amendment benefited from the events of March 3, 1913; a newfound spirit that fought for gender egalitarianism in enfranchisement manifested in the actions of these brave women. The women marching in the 1913 procession unequivocally valued a future where the next generations of women would experience socio-political equality.

References: 

  1. Taylor, Alan. “The 1913 Women’s Suffrage Parade.” The Atlantic. March 1, 2013. https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2013/03/100-years-ago-the-1913-womens-suffrage-parade/100465/ 

  2. “1913 Woman Suffrage Procession.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/articles/woman-suffrage-procession1913.htm 

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Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury

The suffragettes of 1880-1890: simultaneously pursuing racial justice alongside the landmark right to vote

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, 2021 WINTER COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The years between 1880 and 1890 yielded immense progress for achieving the reality of female enfranchisement within a historically male-dominated society. Suffragettes, especially those of color, were able to challenge patriarchal institutions, such as the denial of women’s suffrage, through influential actions based on philosophies of gender, racial, and social justice. The conjoint nature of this activism not only cultivated hope in the suffrage movement for women of color, but also in the greater movement to assert rights that are denied on the basis of one's identity. These rights were traditionally marginalized in a socioeconomic and political context and held as the standard in both cultural, social, and legal norms. Advocating for suffrage, for these women of color, is synonymous with an awareness for intersectionality of identity. The enfranchisement of women would not be truly successful if it did not account for deconstructing structural inequalities that are based in an interconnected identity of race, gender, and other forms of identity. These brave suffragette women of color tackled systemic manners of oppression in American society, such as the denial of female enfranchisement and racism, by using their unique identities to their advantage.

Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), as a prolific black poet, writer, and  journalist that advocated for the suffrage, and subsequent social equality, of black women. Her commitment to this conjoint gender and racial justice first began with helping slaves escape through the Underground Railroad and publishing anti-slavery journalistic works. Later, during the American Reconstruction Era, she was a prominent activist for civil rights, women’s suffrage, and equitable education opportunities for black citizens. Her advocacy was mainly done through her high status in the literary and journalism world; she is known as the “mother of African American journalism,” and one of the first black writers to popularize Africa American protest poetry. For example, her short story, The Two Offers, was the first short story published by an African American writer. Her ideals of equality and representation in literature extended into her contributions in society; Harper was a co-founder and Vice President of the National Association of Colored Women and member of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. Additionally, she was the superintendent of the Colored Section of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Harper, as an extremely accomplished writer and activist, leaves an indelible mark on the history of suffragettes of color. 

Harriet (Hattie) Purvis, Jr. (1839-1904) was also an active supporter of women’s suffrage in the face of societal challenges. While her views on female enfranchisement are relatively unknown, she represented the second generation of black women suffragettes. She was active in the Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association and a member of its executive committee in 1884. Furthemore, between 1883-1900, she was also a notable delegate for the National American Woman Suffrage Association due to her work in the state of Pennsylvania. She was also involved, as a superintendent of work among Colored People for the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Purvis, Jr. is an important figure who fought for women’s suffrage, especially for black women, that has been hidden in the corners of history. Her contributions, especially those in Pennsylvania, are intrinsically in need of recognition.

Getrude Bustill Mosell (1855-1948) was an active journalist that used her platform to highlight the severity of achieving women’s suffrage, especially for women of color. As a journalist, she wrote about these issues of gender and racial justice in The New York Freedom, one of T. Thomas Fortune’s newspapers. Her first publication, titled “Women’s Suffrage,” in 1865 encouraged women to read about the history of the suffrage movement and previous articles of women’s rights. Encouraging a black, female audience, Mosell used the press as an effective way to appeal and inspire black women to contribute to the suffragist movement. In addition, due to her high journalistic status, she was able to relate to middle class views of housewives who were feminists and encourage them to advocate for female enfranchisement. Mosell, through the black press, sought to appeal to demographics that were relational to her intersectional identity of a black female journalist, in order to garner more support for the suffragist movement. 

Jospehine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) was a major figure in the advancement of women’s enfranchisement in the state of Massachusetts. Also beginning as a journalist, she joined in the work of the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and later became affiliated with the American Woman Suffrage Association. In fact, in 1895, she convened the first conference of the National Federation of Afro-American Women, which was probably the first national organization of black women, in Boston. Ruffin was an unequivocal leader in the black women’s club movement, which united black women under the cause of female enfranchisement. She wrote in her black woman’s newspaper, The Women’s Era, utilizing her previous journalistic experience for the progress of women’s rights. In Massachusetts, she urged white women to join with black women to advance the suffragist cause. However, her efforts to unite black and white women’s clubs (and thus combat racial inequalities) were not extremely successful; she experienced discrimination at the Convetion of General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1900. Nevertheless, Ruffin persisted in her cause of combatting societal institutions such as female disenfranchisement, and realizing the deconstruction of gender and racial injustices.

Josephine Bruce (1853-1923), was a prominent activist for women’s rights and suffragists in the Washington, D.C. area. With her husband, Representative Blanche K. Bruce, the first U.S. Senator from Mississippi during the Reconstruction Era, Bruce’s influence in the D.C. area was extremely noticeable and impactful. She was a charter member of the Colored Women’s League of D.C. and helped organize the National Organization of Afro-American Women in 1894. Moreover, she headed over the national executive committee of the National Association of Colored Women and was the editor of its publication, Notes. Drawing on journalism as an effective medium of advocating for the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for women (especially of color), Bruce often published articles in Crisis Magazine and In the Voice of the Negro. She also served as the editor of the magazine for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, after becoming involved in the organization. Concerned by the evident inequality for women of color in American society, Bruce took action, writing for the necessity of women’s rights and suffrage, and reached a far audience due to her high status in our nation’s capital.

Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964), as part of a rich tradition of black writers and intellectuals in the Washington, D.C. area, was a fervent advocate for black feminism and self determination within the women’s suffrage movement. As teacher and principal at the famous M. Street High School in Washington D.C., she became an esteemed clubwoman and social activist who was greatly admired for her belief that the status of black women was central to the progress of the nation. With her influence in the nation’s capital, she also served as a mentor for other suffrage activists, such as Angelina Grimke and Nannie Helen Burroughs. Furthermore, her book, A Voice in the South in 1882, promotes the notion that black women could empower themselves, and have innate capacities for self determination, through education and social uplift. Cooper, with her high status as a writer, used her platform to highlight the necessity of guaranteeing a future in American society where black women were enfranchised and inherently valued.

Susette La Flesche Tibbles (1854-1903), or “Bright Eyes,” was a prominent Native American activist and suffragist that advocated for Native American rights in the face of barriers created by U.S. federal policy. She is best known for embarking on a series of nationwide and international speaking tours, which were widely successful, to document the adversity faced by Native Americans in American society. Her wish to promote equality for Native Americans in society also extended to the socio-political realm, as she became a staunch advocate for women’s suffrage, especially that of Native American women. Tibbles also served as an expert witness and interpreter in court for Native Americans who wished to sue the government due to various types of grievances. In fact, she served as an interpreter for Standing Bear, who sued the federal government in 1879 and acquired a ruling that allowed Native Americans to choose where they want to live. Tibble’s testimonies about the lack of Native American rights in front of Congress eventually led to the landmark 1887 Dawes Act. “Bright Eyes” was a notable advocate for an intersectional equality of gender, in relation to female enfranchisement, and socio-political Native American rights. 

Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), as a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, made philosophical contributions to rationalizing why black women deserve the right to vote. As a charter member of the Tuskegee Women’s Club and lecturer for conferences at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, she combined white suffrage rationale with black women’s suffrage to amplify its effects and overall message. This philosophy gained traction in the black women’s suffrage movement, especially as Logan published these ideas in prominent magazines such as Colored American and Crisis. Attacking anti-suffrage movements, she augmented her justification for female enfranchisement with an unequivocally potent rationale; the right to vote for black women would be a undeniable form of protection against rape and sexual abuse for them. Gaining national attention, her arguments for the enfranchisement of black women included core tenets form Mary Ann Shadd Cady, Frances E.W. Harper, and Sojourner Truth. Additionally, she staged lantern slide nights and organized suffrage parades for women’s club members at the beginning of President William McKinely’s re-election parade. Logan used her unique intellectual basis of activism to the advantage of advancing the cause of suffrage, especially for African American women. 

The movement of women’s suffrage was not solely for the purpose of obtaining the right to vote; it was a greater mission for achieving equality and recognition for their valuable character and contributions as women of color in a society that had acted often against their best interests. From the decade of 1880-1890, suffragette women persisted in their efforts to achieve this comprehensive equality for the present and future generations. 

References:

  1. Rothberg, Emma.“Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”).” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/susette-la-flesche-tibbles-bright-eyes 

  2. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

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Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

Why speak out in the face of insurmountable challenges?

“The ultimate tragedy is not the oppression and cruelty by the bad people but the silence over that by the good people.”
- Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER AND PLACE

Speaking out against the injustices of the world is an example of high moral integrity in a human being. For these women who advocated for the suffragette cause, in the 19th & 20th centuries, their status, credibility, and words would be questioned in their contemporary society. However, the potential of being ostracized by societal institutions did not stop them from speaking our from structural inequities. These women did not let their voices be silenced in the welfare of female generations in the past, present, and future.

“As much as white women need the ballot, colored women need it more.”
(Closing remarks at the 1873 Convention of the American Woman Suffrage Association in New York)

- Frances Ellen Watkins Harper (1825-1911), an African American writer, poet, and suffragette who popularized gender and racial equality through her poetry, short stories, and widely circulated writings.

“Peaceful revolutions are slow but sure. It takes time to leaven a great unwieldy mass like this nation with the leavening ideas of justice and liberty, but evolution is all the more certain in its results because it is so slow.”

- Susette La Flesche Tibbles (“Bright Eyes”) (1854-1903), a Native American activist and suffragette who represented Native American rights against U.S. Federal Policy and viewed women’s suffrage as a conjoint end.

“When the ballot is put into the hands of the American woman, the world is going to get a correct estimate of the Negro woman. It will find her a tower of strength of which poets have never sung, orators have never spoken, and scholars have never written.”

- Nannie Helen Burroughs (1879-1961), an African American suffragette who established the Women’s Convention, as a church branch of the National Baptists Convention, that was the largest body of African American women in the U.S. and opened the National Training School of Women and Girls for poor, working class African American women.

“Educate a woman and you educate a family.”

- Jovita Idár (1885-1946), a Latina journalist, suffragist, and activist who advocated for the plight of Mexican Americans in Texas as well as the socio-political equality of Mexican American women in obtaining the right to vote.

“We are justified in believing that the success of this movement for equality of the sexes means more progress toward equality of the races.”

- Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin (1842-1924) a prominent African American journalist and suffragette who formed the Massachusetts Suffrage Association in 1875 and urged black women to participate in politics through her writings in her own newsletter, The Women’s Era.

If white American women, with all their natural and acquired advantages, need the ballot, that right protective of all other rights; if Anglo Saxons have been helped by it … how much more do Black Americans, male and female, need the strong defense of a vote to help secure them their right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness?”

- Adella Hunt Logan (1863-1915), a professor at Tuskegee Institute, which was headed by Booker T. Washington, and major contributor to the philosophy of the black women’s suffrage movement by combining white suffrage rationale with the necessity of obtaining the right to vote for black women.

References: 

  1. Wicker, Jewel. “16 Best Quotes About Women of Color Deserving the Right to Vote.” Teen Vogue. 2020. https://www.teenvogue.com/story/best-quotes-women-right-to-vote 

  2. Gomez, Skylar. “12 African American Suffragists who shouldn’t be overlooked.” Literary Ladies Guide. 2019. https://www.literaryladiesguide.com/other-rad-voices/12-african-american-suffragists/  

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Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

The First Woman's Rights Convention

BY: CECELIA KAUFMANN, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

“We are assembled to protest against a form of government, existing without the consent of the governed – to declare our right to be free as man is free, to be represented in the government which we are taxed to support, to have such disgraceful laws as give man the power to chastise and imprison his wife, to take the wages which she earns, the property which she inherits, and, in case of separation, the children of her love; laws test against such unjust laws as these that we are assembled today, and to have them, if possible, forever erased from our statute-books, deeming them as a shame and a disgrace to a Christian republic in the nineteenth century...”

- Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Seneca Falls, 1848


On a balmy day in July, July 19th to be exact, the First Woman's Rights Convention kicked off in Seneca Falls, New York in 1848. This event, led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Lucretia Mott, attracted 300 people, mostly women to a convention that would go down in history as the catalyst for the woman’s suffrage movement. Stanton’s call to action was titled the Declaration of Sentiments derived heavily from the Declaration of Independence. She said, “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men and women are created equal.” 

Lesser-known is the details of the conception of this conference. In 1840, both Stanton and Mott were barred from the convention floor at the World Anti-Slavery Convention in London. Though they were both well-known abolitionist of their time, the men of the convention did not see it fitting for women to be on the floor and involved in discussions. Angered by this, they both decided that they would create a convention, for women, by women on their own. This led to the conception of the First Woman’s Right Convention and the subsequent framework for the woman’s rights movement for decades. 

The first day of the convention, only women were allowed to attend and the few men who were allowed in were asked to be quiet while the events unfolded. Stanton began reading the Declaration of Sentiments and one by one, each paragraph was edited and the women in attendance decided they would vote the following day with men in attendance. Most of the resolutions passed unanimously, including men not withholding women’s rights, or taking her property, but a numbered few dissented on the idea of women being allowed to vote, including Lucretia Mott. In the end, the Declaration of Sentiments was adopted unanimously on July 20th. 

Although a momentous event in the history of women’s suffrage, there are some notable groups and issues not discussed. For one, there is no mention of enslaved women (or men) as well as indigenous women (or men). Furthermore, many of the sentiments come from an extremely elitist perspective, which wasn’t uncommon for many woman’s suffrage texts at this time. Many press and religious groups spoke out against the convention because many of the sentiments criticize the church and even the notion of giving women the right to vote in the 1840s seemed unreasonable and unlikely. This notion challenged the perceptions of women and the framework of American society at this time.

On the other hand, Frederick Douglass, world-renowned abolitionists and supporter of woman’s suffrage was in attendance and spoke at the convention. In his newspaper, The North Star, "[T]here can be no reason in the world for denying to woman the exercise of the elective franchise...." The notion of woman’s equality and suffrage was almost unheard of at this point in history but the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848 sparked the fire for decades of a never-ending fight for women’s equality and laid the groundwork for feminist movements to come. 

Courtesy of the Library of Congress

References:

1 Kelly, Martin. “Seneca Falls Convention.” Thought Co., 2020. https://www.thoughtco.com/seneca-falls-convention-105508

2 History, Art & Archives, U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Historian, Women in Congress, 1917–2006. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2007. “The Women’s Rights Movement, 1848–1917,” https://history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/WIC/Historical-Essays/No-Lady/Continued-Challenges/


Chinese suffragette women: A personal return to my Chinese identity

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

Power in Place, through its digital Time capsule, is highlighting women of color who have played a prominent role in the American suffragist movement. My research highlights the important work of suffragette women of color, who have often been overlooked in history. Furthermore, their racial identity connects with my own personal identity as a Chinese-American female. Suffragette women of color, some with the same Chinese heritage as I, fought for socio-political equality in American society. In distinct stages, I reflect on the potency of this research in uncovering certain areas of history, as well as my personal impact of learning that these important suffragettes, especially those of Chinese descent, were prominent women of color.


12/14/2020: 

Today I am starting my research on women of color who have contributed to the suffrage movement in the United States. It is interesting that in the last month of the centennial of the year where women actualized their right to vote, I have started this project. Especially as America itself is battling COVID-19 and trying to heal from structural racism. Yet, I am beginning my research with the genuine intention of connecting my personal identity with this project that Power in Place has begun with the digital Time Capsule. 

I have two Chinese immigrant parents, who have tried their utmost to instill in myself a sense of pride of my cultural heritage. My mother speaks to me in Chinese, and I have spent many summers deep in the rice terraces of southern China. Yet, I have vehemently tried to deny this part of myself, as it seemed my New Jersey roots have taken precedence over this part of personal identity. I fail to speak Chinese on a regular basis, and have replaced my passion for my cultural heritage with my academic pursuit of French. However, this part of myself has not disappeared, but rather remains in an embedded complex personal identity that I embody. Sometimes, I take pride in my Chinese heritage, but more often than not, I feel shame and embarrassment as I stumble in my Chinese vocabulary or stay silent as I hear microaggressions directed at me. Each day, I try to reconcile the two distinct cultural identities I have within myself in a society that deems whiteness as the standard. Even as I write, I feel a weight in my heart as I ponder my racial and cultural identity. As a result, I am intrigued at what personal connections I will find in my quest to highlight suffragettes of color There seems to be a natural connection between me, a woman of color interested in politics, and the work done by these women in the past. I am very hopeful and grateful for the opportunity to connect my personal heritage with women that have never been mentioned in my experiences, academic or personal.  

History, as it is known, has its hidden voices and the undertones of the women’s suffrage movement is not any different. I am looking forward to a sort of “decolonization” and de-centering of the white perspective in the American suffrage movement. It is not fair to “whitewash” this critical achievement in electoral politics and feminist history, as many figures, especially women of color, have contributed to this incredible movement. To do so perpetuates white cultural hegemony and systemic racism, which in turns manifests itself in heart-breaking moments such as the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Let’s celebrate all women, in the context of the transformative, and eye-opening, year of 2020. Women, especially women of color, have hope; as young girls with skin like mine see the potential for them to become Vice President (like Kamala Harris), engineers, lawyers, or epidemiologists, an optimistic future for them remains. As a result, I see a present where deconstructing the hidden inequities of history is pertinent to the next generations of innovators and activists. I hope to discover women who inspire me, and others, with their past creativity, innovation, and change. 

12/16/2020:

After researching women of color who contributed to the suffrage movement during 1910-1920, I am so glad that I took on this project. Perhaps it is due to a lack of education about the general suffrage movement as a whole, or the prevalence of being only taught about white women within the suffrage movement, but I have learned so much in the past 2 days in my research. It was astounding to see the amount of women of color involved in this movement for suffrage; however, it was additionally extraordinary that those women were also pioneers in their own respective pursuits. For example, Verina Morton Jones, as a black woman, was the first woman to pass the Mississippi medical board exam and practice in the state while the journalistic work of Jovita Idár inspired the advocacy of suffrage for Mexican American women and the general future of Mexican Americans in America. These women, were simultaneously lawyers, journalists, church leaders, and doctors as well as active suffragists. Their efforts exemplify the concrete testament of the power of women and their incredible capacity for accomplishments that are historically (and presently) only allocated to men. Each woman was able to combine their hope for suffrage with ends that were interconnected to political equality, either racial justice, social justice, or education.

In my opinion, the conjoint ends of racial and social justice, as well as socio-political equality, with women’s suffrage makes the movement for suffrage a potent force for societal change. When many of the main suffragettes in this movement are women of color, their activism is intersectional with their unique identities. This synthesis of each woman's identity with their activism indicates the importance of highlighting their work, instead of letting history conceal their merited achievements. Highlighting two specific suffragettes of color is especially important to me, due to my personal connection with them. As a Chinese American, I did not expect to find any suffragettes who were also of Asian descent. However, the exemplary efforts of Mabel Ping-Hua Lee (1897-1966) and Tye Leung Schuzle (1887-1972) have impacted the manner I see my Chinese heritage. These women, who resemble myself, did not let their racial identity diminish the potency of their political activism.

Mabel Ping Hua-Lee married her activism for female suffrage with the concurrent advocacy for the rights of Chinese Americans in a society that is openly discriminatory against them, vis-à-vis the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. As the first Chinese woman in the U.S. to earn a Ph.d degree from Columbia University, Hua-Lee sought to bring her Chinese perspective to her assertion that women must have equal rights in the political sphere. In fact, in 1912, she met white suffrage leaders, like Anna Howard Shaw and Harriet Ludlow, in New York City, to speak about the enfranchisement of women (on a provincial) level in China and its application to the state of female voting rights in America. She was asked to participate, and help organize, the women’s suffrage parade in 1913; it is clear that as she marched in that parade, there was a distinct Asian-American voice in the suffragist movement. In reason of her intersectional, Chinese identity, Hua-Lee often wrote to China, with her involvement in Chinese Students Monthly, while providing valuable contributions to asserting women’s rights in the United States.

Likewise, Tye Leung Schuzle also had an active role in the suffrage movement as an activist of Chinese descent. In 1910, she became the first Chinese-American woman to work for the federal government as an interpreter for detained Chinese immigrants at the Angel Island Immigration Center in San Francisco, CA. She became a model of what women’s suffrage movement could manifest, on the national level, as she became the first Chinese American Woman to cast a ballot in the U.S. election after women were enfranchised in California in 1912. Additionally, Schuzle’s work in her early career as an interpreter in the Pystebreterian Mission House was directed at helping vulnerable Chinese women against sex trafficking. Her entire life was aimed towards asserting the intersectional rights that are marginalized in terms of gender and race, as she worked to ensure the sociopolitical equality of Chinese American women in the U.S. Her role in the suffrage movement, like Mabel Ping Hua-Lee, demonstrates how the prominence of Chinese suffragists are often overlooked in history.

As a result of researching these suffragettes of color, I have formed a personal connection with these extraordinary women. Especially in reference to Mabel Ping Hua-Lee and Tye Leung Schuzle, I feel more pride in my identity as a Chinese-American woman. It was surprising, but refreshing, to learn about the active roles that Chinese women had in the suffrage movement. It certainly assures me on a deeper level, that I, as a Chinese American woman, unequivocally belong in this country. It is possible for a Chinese American woman to affect political and societal change, which is what I hope to do in my future. These women have inspired me to consider my Chinese, female identity as a force for overarching social change. 

 Furthermore, I have learned that an intersectionality of gender and race is a strength that augments the potency of one’s cause (in this case, female suffrage), instead of a detriment. While this intersectionality indicates the various ways that one’s identity can be oppressed, more distinct methods that one can push back against those instances of marginalization appear. Especially on an institutional level, the recognition and utilization of an intersectional identity can work to eradicate structural issues, like the existence of white cultural hegemony in the stories we tell. Recognizing female voices of color allows for a more comprehensive examination and understanding of history. Such as in the movement of women’s suffrage, especially in the years of 1910-1920, uncovering the achievements of women of color in contributing to the actualization of their right to vote is a valuable addition to society. Now, we do not conceal these previously hidden voices and actions, thus elevating their importance  in the grand narratives of history. In the year 2020, the centennial of realizing a woman’s right to vote, it is essential to give enough the merited credit to these incredible women. 

References: 

  1. Alexander, Kerri Lee. “Mabel Ping Hua-Lee.” National Women’s History Museum. 2020. www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/mabel-ping-hua-lee.

  2. “Tye Leung Schulze.” U.S. National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/people/tye-leung-schulze.htm 

  3. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

  4. “Women of Color and the Fight for Women’s Suffrage.” California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls. 2020. https://women.ca.gov/women-of-color-and-the-fight-for-womens-suffrage/



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Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.

 

1910-1920: A Formative Decade for Women of Color in the American Suffragist Movement

BY: JACQUELINE QIU, WINTER 2021 COLLABORATOR AT POWER IN PLACE

The movement for women’s suffrage, which culminated in the ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920, has yielded many influential figures. While prominent women such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony often take center stage, there are many influential figures that have been relegated to the hidden corners of history. Such is the case of suffragette women of color: in the decade before the realization of women’s suffrage, from 1910-1920, suffragette women of color greatly contributed to this cause without widespread recognition. Fortunately, efforts are now being made to highlight their impact on the success to the suffrage movement.  From 1910-1920, it is evident that women of color have historically dedicated their lives to political egalitarianism within their right to vote. 

Zit Kala-Sa (1876-1938), born of Yankton Sioux ancestry, was a prolific writer and activist that sought to expand opportunities, like suffrage, for Native Americans and promote their cultural equality within the dominance of American federal policy. The Native American culture as a source of pride, instead of devalorisation. In 1916, she became the secretary of the Society of the American Indians and  liaison with the Bureau of Indian Affairs. As the first all American Indian organization, it promoted the  political, socioeconomic, and cultural equality of American Indians. With her dedication to women’s suffrage, she joined the General Foundation of Women’s Clubs as a distinct Native American voice. Furthermore, she eventually became the founder, as well as the President, of the National Council of American Indians in 1926 that united many Indian tribes under the cause of achieving full citizenship through suffrage. Her persistence is exemplified in her commitment to social justice, from women’s suffrage to citizenship to equal education and health care. Zit Kala-Sa embodied the value of the Native American perspective for the fight for women’s suffrage and Native American rights.


Verina Morton Jones (1865-1943) is a vanguard for women in racial justice, suffrage, and medical science. She was the first woman to pass the Mississippi medical board exam, becoming the first woman to be licensed to practice medicine in that state. Additionally, after she moved from Mississippi to New York, she was the first black woman to practice medicine in Nassau County, NY. With her eventual move to Brooklyn, NY, she became president of the Equal Suffrage League, championing the importance of a woman having the right to vote as analogous to her belief in the role of women (especially of color) in medical science. These beliefs were subsequently reflected in her role of director of mother’s clubs in the National Association of Colored Women and leader of the Association for the Protection of Colored Women. The establishment of Lincoln Settlement House, which offered childcare and health services, in 1908 reflected her commitment to helping women in all spheres of life. Jones’ appointment to the Board of Directors of NAACP in 1913 provided a powerful opportunity to advance racial and sociopolitical equity of women of color in society. As a suffragette woman of color, Jones used her high status in medicine to wield immense influence for female equality. 

Likewise, Nannee Helen Burroughs (1879-1961) advanced the cause of women’s suffrage through her elevated status as a black church leader and educator. As the founder of the Women’s Convention, a branch of the National Baptists Convention, she grew this women’s organization into the largest body of African American women in the United States from 1900-1947. Therefore, she exerted a powerful impact on the future of women’s suffrage, with the structural support of the Women’s Convention helping her use church as a vehical of advocacy. The Women’s Convention worked with the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) to ensure the racial and gender justice, emphasizing the cause of suffrage.  She also promoted the education of poor African American women, with the establishment of the National Training School of Women that was popular in the first  half of the twentieth century. She also wrote in support of women’s suffrage in Crisis Magazine. Burroughs became an important advocate for women’s suffrage with her tremendous accomplishments within the educational and religious spheres for black women. 

Ida B. Wells Barnett (1862-1931) was a significant figure, as a dual advocate for racial justice and women’s suffrage. While living in Memphis, TN, she led anti-lynching movements in the press as a noteworthy journalist and newspaper editor. This fervor for eradicating racial violence continued as she wrote for the Chicago Conservator and published The Red Record to highlight activism for anti-lynching. While in Chicago, her activism for gender equality and women’s suffrage grew; in fact, in 1913, Barnett established the first suffrage club for black women in Illinois, the Alpha Suffrage Club for African American women. The Alpha Suffrage Club published newsletters advocating for female suffrage, educated black women in civics, and promoting the merited racial and political equality of women. In addition, Barnett marched in the 1913 suffrage parade in Washington, D.C., with white suffragists to emphasize the universality of women’s suffrage. Furthermore, she co-founded the National Association of Colored Women in 1896 and National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909. This dedication to eradicate racial prejudice and violence and advance the cause of African American women, elevated Barnett to a very prominent role in American society.

Marie Louise Battineau Baldwin (1863-1952), as a Northern Dakota Turtle Mountain Chippewa, advocated for Native American rights, as well women’s political equality. Augmented by her educational success, as she became the first woman of color to graduate from Washington’s College of Law in 1914, she was a key spokesperson for Native American women and suffrage. In fact, since 1911, she was a prominent suffragette of color, as she met with women across the country and testified before Congress, who married the ends of the suffrage movement with those of the Society of American Indians. She participated in the 1913 suffrage parade in Washington, D.C. that was organized by Alicia Paul, marching with other female lawyers who believed in suffrage. Furthermore, Baldwin was part of the key suffragettes who met with President Woodrow Wilson in 1914 to advocate for the women’s right to vote. As defender of both Native American and women’s rights, Balwin demonstrated the relevance of the Native American voice in achieving socio-political equality for marginalized groups.

Maria de Guadalupe Evangelina López de Lauther was a prominent suffrage activist in the state of California. Her former experience teaching English as a second language at Los Angeles High School and fluency in Spanish allowed her to become a prominent figure in the CA suffrage movement in 1911. From the 1910s, she traveled around the state, speaking about women’s suffrage in both Spanish and English, organizing rallies, and acting as a translator for Spanish speaking citizens. In fact, it is assumed that she is the first figure in the state of CA to speak about women’s suffrage in Spanish. Her influence in this regional suffrage movement culminated in her appointment to be a representative for California suffragists in the 1913 women’s suffrage parade in Washington, D.C. Lopez de Lauther manifested great impact in helping California affirm the right for women to vote in 1912, before the greater national ratification of female suffrage in 1920. Her role as a Latina woman created real opportunities to appeal to an electorate that often only spoke Spanish, and embodied the powerful impact of suffragette women of color.

Jovita Idár (1885-1946) was a Latina journalist, activist, and suffragist who promoted the rights of Mexican Americans in Texas, especially Mexican American women. With her family, she organized the First Mexican Congress in 1911, which sought to support the ongoing revolution in Mexico by unifying those across the border in the U.S. with this cause. The First Mexican Congress worked in conjunction with Idár’s mission to eradicate racial prejudice against Mexican Americans in TX, which have previously yielded noteworthy violence, such as lynching. Furthemore, she was the founder and the first president of La Liga Femenil Mexicanista (League of Mexican Women) that was aimed towards asserting the egalitarianism of Mexican women in the socio-political and cultural terms of American society. At the forefront of her advocacy was women’s suffrage; in fact, she wrote in her family’s newspaper, La Crónica, about the necessity of the right to vote for women. The enfranchisement of women was supported and bolstered by Idár, especially after she took over La Crónica in 1914. Idár’s engagement with eradicating racial injustice against Mexican Americans and the political rights of (Mexican American) women allowed her to become an important suffragette of color. 

These women of color did not permit their race to hinder their passion, commitment, and activism for the suffragette cause. In fact, the color of their skin acted as an effective vehicle for social change, as the ends of sociopolitical equality and racial justice were intertwined. Race, as well as gender, amplified the impact that these women made on the future of suffrage. In the centennial of the 19th amendment in 2020, it is more necessary than ever to honor the contributions of these suffragettes of color. 

References:

  1. Mayo, Edith. “African American Women Leaders in the Suffrage Movement.” Suffragist Memorial. 2020. https://suffragistmemorial.org/african-american-women-leaders-in-the-suffrage-movement/

  2. “Women of Color and the Fight for Women’s Suffrage.” California Commission on the Status of Women and Girls. 2020. https://women.ca.gov/women-of-color-and-the-fight-for-womens-suffrage/

  3. “Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin” National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/people/marie-louise-bottineau-baldwin.htm

  4. “Zitkala-Ša (Red Bird / Gertrude Simmons Bonnin).” National Park Service. 2020. https://www.nps.gov/people/zitkala-sa.htm

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Jacqueline Qiu is a junior at Middlebury College, double majoring in French and Political Science. She is passionate about humanitarianism, women in politics, mental health awareness and advocacy, and French language and literature. On campus, she is the Co-President of the French club and Active Minds Middlebury.